├── CommunistManifesto.txt ├── README.md ├── The Communist Manifesto.md ├── The Prince.md ├── ThePrince.txt ├── img ├── FrontPage.png └── newFrontPage.png ├── proofOfConcept.py └── roamNER_V1.py /CommunistManifesto.txt: -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 1 | MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY 2 | 3 | [From the English edition of 1888, edited by Friedrich Engels] 4 | 5 | 6 | A spectre is haunting Europe--the spectre of Communism. 7 | All the Powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to 8 | exorcise this spectre: Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot, 9 | French Radicals and German police-spies. 10 | 11 | Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as 12 | Communistic by its opponents in power? Where is the Opposition 13 | that has not hurled back the branding reproach of Communism, 14 | against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against 15 | its reactionary adversaries? 16 | 17 | Two things result from this fact. 18 | 19 | I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European Powers 20 | to be itself a Power. 21 | 22 | II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the 23 | face of the whole world, publish their views, their aims, their 24 | tendencies, and meet this nursery tale of the Spectre of 25 | Communism with a Manifesto of the party itself. 26 | 27 | To this end, Communists of various nationalities have 28 | assembled in London, and sketched the following Manifesto, to be 29 | published in the English, French, German, Italian, Flemish and 30 | Danish languages. 31 | 32 | 33 | 34 | I. BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS 35 | 36 | The history of all hitherto existing societies is the history 37 | of class struggles. 38 | 39 | Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, 40 | guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, 41 | stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an 42 | uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time 43 | ended, either in a revolutionary re-constitution of society at 44 | large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes. 45 | 46 | In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a 47 | complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a 48 | manifold gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have 49 | patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, 50 | feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters, journeymen, apprentices, 51 | serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate 52 | gradations. 53 | 54 | The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins 55 | of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms. It 56 | has but established new classes, new conditions of oppression, 57 | new forms of struggle in place of the old ones. Our epoch, the 58 | epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinctive 59 | feature: it has simplified the class antagonisms. Society as a 60 | whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, 61 | into two great classes, directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie 62 | and Proletariat. 63 | 64 | From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers 65 | of the earliest towns. From these burgesses the first elements 66 | of the bourgeoisie were developed. 67 | 68 | The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up 69 | fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East-Indian and 70 | Chinese markets, the colonisation of America, trade with 71 | the colonies, the increase in the means of exchange and in 72 | commodities generally, gave to commerce, to navigation, to 73 | industry, an impulse never before known, and thereby, to the 74 | revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid 75 | development. 76 | 77 | The feudal system of industry, under which industrial production 78 | was monopolised by closed guilds, now no longer sufficed for the 79 | growing wants of the new markets. The manufacturing system took 80 | its place. The guild-masters were pushed on one side by the 81 | manufacturing middle class; division of labour between the 82 | different corporate guilds vanished in the face of division of 83 | labour in each single workshop. 84 | 85 | Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. 86 | Even manufacture no longer sufficed. Thereupon, steam and 87 | machinery revolutionised industrial production. The place of 88 | manufacture was taken by the giant, Modern Industry, the place of 89 | the industrial middle class, by industrial millionaires, the 90 | leaders of whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois. 91 | 92 | Modern industry has established the world-market, for which the 93 | discovery of America paved the way. This market has given an 94 | immense development to commerce, to navigation, to communication 95 | by land. This development has, in its time, reacted on the 96 | extension of industry; and in proportion as industry, commerce, 97 | navigation, railways extended, in the same proportion the 98 | bourgeoisie developed, increased its capital, and pushed into the 99 | background every class handed down from the Middle Ages. 100 | 101 | We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the 102 | product of a long course of development, of a series of 103 | revolutions in the modes of production and of exchange. 104 | 105 | Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied 106 | by a corresponding political advance of that class. An 107 | oppressed class under the sway of the feudal nobility, an 108 | armed and self-governing association in the mediaeval commune; 109 | here independent urban republic (as in Italy and Germany), 110 | there taxable "third estate" of the monarchy (as in France), 111 | afterwards, in the period of manufacture proper, serving either 112 | the semi-feudal or the absolute monarchy as a counterpoise 113 | against the nobility, and, in fact, corner-stone of the great 114 | monarchies in general, the bourgeoisie has at last, since the 115 | establishment of Modern Industry and of the world-market, 116 | conquered for itself, in the modern representative State, 117 | exclusive political sway. The executive of the modern State is 118 | but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole 119 | bourgeoisie. 120 | 121 | The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary 122 | part. 123 | 124 | The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an 125 | end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has 126 | pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to 127 | his "natural superiors," and has left remaining no other nexus 128 | between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous "cash 129 | payment." It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of 130 | religious fervour, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine 131 | sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation. It 132 | has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and in place of 133 | the numberless and indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that 134 | single, unconscionable freedom--Free Trade. In one word, for 135 | exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, naked, 136 | shameless, direct, brutal exploitation. 137 | 138 | The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation 139 | hitherto honoured and looked up to with reverent awe. It has 140 | converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the 141 | man of science, into its paid wage labourers. 142 | 143 | The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental 144 | veil, and has reduced the family relation to a mere money 145 | relation. 146 | 147 | The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the 148 | brutal display of vigour in the Middle Ages, which Reactionists 149 | so much admire, found its fitting complement in the most slothful 150 | indolence. It has been the first to show what man's activity can 151 | bring about. It has accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian 152 | pyramids, Roman aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it has 153 | conducted expeditions that put in the shade all former Exoduses 154 | of nations and crusades. 155 | 156 | The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionising 157 | the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of 158 | production, and with them the whole relations of society. 159 | Conservation of the old modes of production in unaltered form, 160 | was, on the contrary, the first condition of existence for all 161 | earlier industrial classes. Constant revolutionising of 162 | production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, 163 | everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois 164 | epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast-frozen relations, 165 | with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and 166 | opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated 167 | before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all 168 | that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face 169 | with sober senses, his real conditions of life, and his 170 | relations with his kind. 171 | 172 | The need of a constantly expanding market for its products 173 | chases the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe. It 174 | must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connexions 175 | everywhere. 176 | 177 | The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world-market 178 | given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in 179 | every country. To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it has 180 | drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground on 181 | which it stood. All old-established national industries have 182 | been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged 183 | by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death 184 | question for all civilised nations, by industries that no longer 185 | work up indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the 186 | remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only 187 | at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old 188 | wants, satisfied by the productions of the country, we find new 189 | wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant 190 | lands and climes. In place of the old local and national 191 | seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every 192 | direction, universal inter-dependence of nations. And as in 193 | material, so also in intellectual production. The intellectual 194 | creations of individual nations become common property. National 195 | one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more 196 | impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures, 197 | there arises a world literature. 198 | 199 | The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of 200 | production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, 201 | draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilisation. 202 | The cheap prices of its commodities are the heavy artillery with 203 | which it batters down all Chinese walls, with which it forces the 204 | barbarians' intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to 205 | capitulate. It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to 206 | adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to 207 | introduce what it calls civilisation into their midst, i.e., to 208 | become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a world 209 | after its own image. 210 | 211 | The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the 212 | towns. It has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the 213 | urban population as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued 214 | a considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural 215 | life. Just as it has made the country dependent on the towns, so 216 | it has made barbarian and semi-barbarian countries dependent on 217 | the civilised ones, nations of peasants on nations of bourgeois, 218 | the East on the West. 219 | 220 | The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the 221 | scattered state of the population, of the means of production, 222 | and of property. It has agglomerated production, and has 223 | concentrated property in a few hands. The necessary consequence 224 | of this was political centralisation. Independent, or but 225 | loosely connected provinces, with separate interests, laws, 226 | governments and systems of taxation, became lumped together into 227 | one nation, with one government, one code of laws, one national 228 | class-interest, one frontier and one customs-tariff. The 229 | bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has 230 | created more massive and more colossal productive forces than 231 | have all preceding generations together. Subjection of Nature's 232 | forces to man, machinery, application of chemistry to industry 233 | and agriculture, steam-navigation, railways, electric telegraphs, 234 | clearing of whole continents for cultivation, canalisation of 235 | rivers, whole populations conjured out of the ground--what 236 | earlier century had even a presentiment that such productive 237 | forces slumbered in the lap of social labour? 238 | 239 | We see then: the means of production and of exchange, on whose 240 | foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in 241 | feudal society. At a certain stage in the development of these 242 | means of production and of exchange, the conditions under which 243 | feudal society produced and exchanged, the feudal organisation of 244 | agriculture and manufacturing industry, in one word, the feudal 245 | relations of property became no longer compatible with the 246 | already developed productive forces; they became so many fetters. 247 | They had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder. 248 | 249 | Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a 250 | social and political constitution adapted to it, and by the 251 | economical and political sway of the bourgeois class. 252 | 253 | A similar movement is going on before our own eyes. Modern 254 | bourgeois society with its relations of production, of exchange 255 | and of property, a society that has conjured up such gigantic 256 | means of production and of exchange, is like the sorcerer, who is 257 | no longer able to control the powers of the nether world whom he 258 | has called up by his spells. For many a decade past the history 259 | of industry and commerce is but the history of the revolt of 260 | modern productive forces against modern conditions of production, 261 | against the property relations that are the conditions for the 262 | existence of the bourgeoisie and of its rule. It is enough to 263 | mention the commercial crises that by their periodical return put 264 | on its trial, each time more threateningly, the existence of the 265 | entire bourgeois society. In these crises a great part not only 266 | of the existing products, but also of the previously created 267 | productive forces, are periodically destroyed. In these crises 268 | there breaks out an epidemic that, in all earlier epochs, would 269 | have seemed an absurdity--the epidemic of over-production. 270 | Society suddenly finds itself put back into a state of momentary 271 | barbarism; it appears as if a famine, a universal war of 272 | devastation had cut off the supply of every means of subsistence; 273 | industry and commerce seem to be destroyed; and why? Because 274 | there is too much civilisation, too much means of subsistence, 275 | too much industry, too much commerce. The productive forces at 276 | the disposal of society no longer tend to further the development 277 | of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, they 278 | have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they are 279 | fettered, and so soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring 280 | disorder into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger the 281 | existence of bourgeois property. The conditions of bourgeois 282 | society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them. 283 | And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one 284 | hand inforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the 285 | other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough 286 | exploitation of the old ones. That is to say, by paving the 287 | way for more extensive and more destructive crises, and by 288 | diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented. 289 | 290 | The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the 291 | ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself. 292 | 293 | But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring 294 | death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who 295 | are to wield those weapons--the modern working class--the 296 | proletarians. 297 | 298 | In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital, is developed, 299 | in the same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working 300 | class, developed--a class of labourers, who live only so long 301 | as they find work, and who find work only so long as their labour 302 | increases capital. These labourers, who must sell themselves 303 | piece-meal, are a commodity, like every other article of 304 | commerce, and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes of 305 | competition, to all the fluctuations of the market. 306 | 307 | Owing to the extensive use of machinery and to division of 308 | labour, the work of the proletarians has lost all individual 309 | character, and consequently, all charm for the workman. He 310 | becomes an appendage of the machine, and it is only the most 311 | simple, most monotonous, and most easily acquired knack, that is 312 | required of him. Hence, the cost of production of a workman is 313 | restricted, almost entirely, to the means of subsistence that he 314 | requires for his maintenance, and for the propagation of his 315 | race. But the price of a commodity, and therefore also of 316 | labour, is equal to its cost of production. In proportion 317 | therefore, as the repulsiveness of the work increases, the wage 318 | decreases. Nay more, in proportion as the use of machinery and 319 | division of labour increases, in the same proportion the burden 320 | of toil also increases, whether by prolongation of the working 321 | hours, by increase of the work exacted in a given time or by 322 | increased speed of the machinery, etc. 323 | 324 | Modern industry has converted the little workshop of the 325 | patriarchal master into the great factory of the industrial 326 | capitalist. Masses of labourers, crowded into the factory, are 327 | organised like soldiers. As privates of the industrial army they 328 | are placed under the command of a perfect hierarchy of officers 329 | and sergeants. Not only are they slaves of the bourgeois class, 330 | and of the bourgeois State; they are daily and hourly enslaved by 331 | the machine, by the over-looker, and, above all, by the 332 | individual bourgeois manufacturer himself. The more openly this 333 | despotism proclaims gain to be its end and aim, the more petty, 334 | the more hateful and the more embittering it is. 335 | 336 | The less the skill and exertion of strength implied in manual 337 | labour, in other words, the more modern industry becomes 338 | developed, the more is the labour of men superseded by that of 339 | women. Differences of age and sex have no longer any distinctive 340 | social validity for the working class. All are instruments of 341 | labour, more or less expensive to use, according to their age 342 | and sex. 343 | 344 | No sooner is the exploitation of the labourer by the manufacturer, 345 | so far at an end, that he receives his wages in cash, than he is 346 | set upon by the other portions of the bourgeoisie, the landlord, 347 | the shopkeeper, the pawnbroker, etc. 348 | 349 | The lower strata of the middle class--the small tradespeople, 350 | shopkeepers, retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and 351 | peasants--all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly 352 | because their diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale 353 | on which Modern Industry is carried on, and is swamped in the 354 | competition with the large capitalists, partly because their 355 | specialized skill is rendered worthless by the new methods of 356 | production. Thus the proletariat is recruited from all classes 357 | of the population. 358 | 359 | The proletariat goes through various stages of development. 360 | With its birth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie. At 361 | first the contest is carried on by individual labourers, then by 362 | the workpeople of a factory, then by the operatives of one trade, 363 | in one locality, against the individual bourgeois who directly 364 | exploits them. They direct their attacks not against the 365 | bourgeois conditions of production, but against the instruments 366 | of production themselves; they destroy imported wares that 367 | compete with their labour, they smash to pieces machinery, they 368 | set factories ablaze, they seek to restore by force the vanished 369 | status of the workman of the Middle Ages. 370 | 371 | At this stage the labourers still form an incoherent mass 372 | scattered over the whole country, and broken up by their mutual 373 | competition. If anywhere they unite to form more compact bodies, 374 | this is not yet the consequence of their own active union, but of 375 | the union of the bourgeoisie, which class, in order to attain its 376 | own political ends, is compelled to set the whole proletariat in 377 | motion, and is moreover yet, for a time, able to do so. At this 378 | stage, therefore, the proletarians do not fight their enemies, 379 | but the enemies of their enemies, the remnants of absolute 380 | monarchy, the landowners, the non-industrial bourgeois, the petty 381 | bourgeoisie. Thus the whole historical movement is concentrated 382 | in the hands of the bourgeoisie; every victory so obtained is a 383 | victory for the bourgeoisie. 384 | 385 | But with the development of industry the proletariat not only 386 | increases in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, 387 | its strength grows, and it feels that strength more. The various 388 | interests and conditions of life within the ranks of the 389 | proletariat are more and more equalised, in proportion as 390 | machinery obliterates all distinctions of labour, and nearly 391 | everywhere reduces wages to the same low level. The growing 392 | competition among the bourgeois, and the resulting commercial 393 | crises, make the wages of the workers ever more fluctuating. The 394 | unceasing improvement of machinery, ever more rapidly developing, 395 | makes their livelihood more and more precarious; the collisions 396 | between individual workmen and individual bourgeois take more and 397 | more the character of collisions between two classes. Thereupon 398 | the workers begin to form combinations (Trades Unions) against 399 | the bourgeois; they club together in order to keep up the rate of 400 | wages; they found permanent associations in order to make 401 | provision beforehand for these occasional revolts. Here and 402 | there the contest breaks out into riots. 403 | 404 | Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time. 405 | The real fruit of their battles lies, not in the immediate 406 | result, but in the ever-expanding union of the workers. This 407 | union is helped on by the improved means of communication that 408 | are created by modern industry and that place the workers of 409 | different localities in contact with one another. It was just 410 | this contact that was needed to centralise the numerous local 411 | struggles, all of the same character, into one national struggle 412 | between classes. But every class struggle is a political 413 | struggle. And that union, to attain which the burghers of the 414 | Middle Ages, with their miserable highways, required centuries, 415 | the modern proletarians, thanks to railways, achieve in a few 416 | years. 417 | 418 | This organisation of the proletarians into a class, and 419 | consequently into a political party, is continually being upset 420 | again by the competition between the workers themselves. But it 421 | ever rises up again, stronger, firmer, mightier. It compels 422 | legislative recognition of particular interests of the workers, 423 | by taking advantage of the divisions among the bourgeoisie 424 | itself. Thus the ten-hours' bill in England was carried. 425 | 426 | Altogether collisions between the classes of the old society 427 | further, in many ways, the course of development of the 428 | proletariat. The bourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant 429 | battle. At first with the aristocracy; later on, with those 430 | portions of the bourgeoisie itself, whose interests have become 431 | antagonistic to the progress of industry; at all times, with the 432 | bourgeoisie of foreign countries. In all these battles it sees 433 | itself compelled to appeal to the proletariat, to ask for its 434 | help, and thus, to drag it into the political arena. The 435 | bourgeoisie itself, therefore, supplies the proletariat with its 436 | own instruments of political and general education, in other 437 | words, it furnishes the proletariat with weapons for fighting 438 | the bourgeoisie. 439 | 440 | Further, as we have already seen, entire sections of the ruling 441 | classes are, by the advance of industry, precipitated into the 442 | proletariat, or are at least threatened in their conditions of 443 | existence. These also supply the proletariat with fresh elements 444 | of enlightenment and progress. 445 | 446 | Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive 447 | hour, the process of dissolution going on within the ruling 448 | class, in fact within the whole range of society, assumes such a 449 | violent, glaring character, that a small section of the ruling 450 | class cuts itself adrift, and joins the revolutionary class, the 451 | class that holds the future in its hands. Just as, therefore, at 452 | an earlier period, a section of the nobility went over to the 453 | bourgeoisie, so now a portion of the bourgeoisie goes over to the 454 | proletariat, and in particular, a portion of the bourgeois 455 | ideologists, who have raised themselves to the level of 456 | comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole. 457 | 458 | Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie 459 | today, the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. 460 | The other classes decay and finally disappear in the face of 461 | Modern Industry; the proletariat is its special and essential 462 | product. The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the 463 | shopkeeper, the artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the 464 | bourgeoisie, to save from extinction their existence as fractions 465 | of the middle class. They are therefore not revolutionary, but 466 | conservative. Nay more, they are reactionary, for they try 467 | to roll back the wheel of history. If by chance they are 468 | revolutionary, they are so only in view of their impending 469 | transfer into the proletariat, they thus defend not their 470 | present, but their future interests, they desert their own 471 | standpoint to place themselves at that of the proletariat. 472 | 473 | The "dangerous class," the social scum, that passively rotting 474 | mass thrown off by the lowest layers of old society, may, 475 | here and there, be swept into the movement by a proletarian 476 | revolution; its conditions of life, however, prepare it far more 477 | for the part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue. 478 | 479 | In the conditions of the proletariat, those of old society at 480 | large are already virtually swamped. The proletarian is without 481 | property; his relation to his wife and children has no longer 482 | anything in common with the bourgeois family-relations; modern 483 | industrial labour, modern subjection to capital, the same in 484 | England as in France, in America as in Germany, has stripped him 485 | of every trace of national character. Law, morality, religion, 486 | are to him so many bourgeois prejudices, behind which lurk in 487 | ambush just as many bourgeois interests. 488 | 489 | All the preceding classes that got the upper hand, sought to 490 | fortify their already acquired status by subjecting society at 491 | large to their conditions of appropriation. The proletarians 492 | cannot become masters of the productive forces of society, except 493 | by abolishing their own previous mode of appropriation, and 494 | thereby also every other previous mode of appropriation. They 495 | have nothing of their own to secure and to fortify; their mission 496 | is to destroy all previous securities for, and insurances of, 497 | individual property. 498 | 499 | All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, 500 | or in the interests of minorities. The proletarian movement is 501 | the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, 502 | in the interests of the immense majority. The proletariat, the 503 | lowest stratum of our present society, cannot stir, cannot raise 504 | itself up, without the whole superincumbent strata of official 505 | society being sprung into the air. 506 | 507 | Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the 508 | proletariat with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle. 509 | The proletariat of each country must, of course, first of all 510 | settle matters with its own bourgeoisie. 511 | 512 | In depicting the most general phases of the development of the 513 | proletariat, we traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging 514 | within existing society, up to the point where that war breaks 515 | out into open revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the 516 | bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat. 517 | 518 | Hitherto, every form of society has been based, as we have 519 | already seen, on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed 520 | classes. But in order to oppress a class, certain conditions 521 | must be assured to it under which it can, at least, continue its 522 | slavish existence. The serf, in the period of serfdom, raised 523 | himself to membership in the commune, just as the petty 524 | bourgeois, under the yoke of feudal absolutism, managed to 525 | develop into a bourgeois. The modern laborer, on the contrary, 526 | instead of rising with the progress of industry, sinks deeper and 527 | deeper below the conditions of existence of his own class. He 528 | becomes a pauper, and pauperism develops more rapidly than 529 | population and wealth. And here it becomes evident, that the 530 | bourgeoisie is unfit any longer to be the ruling class in 531 | society, and to impose its conditions of existence upon society 532 | as an over-riding law. It is unfit to rule because it is 533 | incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his 534 | slavery, because it cannot help letting him sink into such a 535 | state, that it has to feed him, instead of being fed by him. 536 | Society can no longer live under this bourgeoisie, in other 537 | words, its existence is no longer compatible with society. 538 | 539 | The essential condition for the existence, and for the sway of 540 | the bourgeois class, is the formation and augmentation of 541 | capital; the condition for capital is wage-labour. Wage-labour 542 | rests exclusively on competition between the laborers. The 543 | advance of industry, whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, 544 | replaces the isolation of the labourers, due to competition, 545 | by their revolutionary combination, due to association. The 546 | development of Modern Industry, therefore, cuts from under its 547 | feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and 548 | appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie, therefore, produces, 549 | above all, is its own grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory of 550 | the proletariat are equally inevitable. 551 | 552 | 553 | 554 | II. PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS 555 | 556 | In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a 557 | whole? 558 | 559 | The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other 560 | working-class parties. 561 | 562 | They have no interests separate and apart from those of the 563 | proletariat as a whole. 564 | 565 | They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, 566 | by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement. 567 | 568 | The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties 569 | by this only: (1) In the national struggles of the proletarians 570 | of the different countries, they point out and bring to the front 571 | the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of 572 | all nationality. (2) In the various stages of development which the 573 | struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass 574 | through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the 575 | movement as a whole. 576 | 577 | The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically, 578 | the most advanced and resolute section of the working-class 579 | parties of every country, that section which pushes forward 580 | all others; on the other hand, theoretically, they have over 581 | the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly 582 | understanding the line of march, the conditions, and the ultimate 583 | general results of the proletarian movement. 584 | 585 | The immediate aim of the Communist is the same as that of all 586 | the other proletarian parties: formation of the proletariat into 587 | a class, overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of 588 | political power by the proletariat. 589 | 590 | The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no way 591 | based on ideas or principles that have been invented, or 592 | discovered, by this or that would-be universal reformer. They 593 | merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing from 594 | an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on 595 | under our very eyes. The abolition of existing property 596 | relations is not at all a distinctive feature of Communism. 597 | 598 | All property relations in the past have continually been subject 599 | to historical change consequent upon the change in historical 600 | conditions. 601 | 602 | The French Revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in 603 | favour of bourgeois property. 604 | 605 | The distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition of 606 | property generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. But 607 | modern bourgeois private property is the final and most complete 608 | expression of the system of producing and appropriating products, 609 | that is based on class antagonisms, on the exploitation of the 610 | many by the few. 611 | 612 | In this sense, the theory of the Communists may be summed up in 613 | the single sentence: Abolition of private property. 614 | 615 | We Communists have been reproached with the desire of abolishing 616 | the right of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a 617 | man's own labour, which property is alleged to be the groundwork 618 | of all personal freedom, activity and independence. 619 | 620 | Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earned property! Do you mean the 621 | property of the petty artisan and of the small peasant, a form of 622 | property that preceded the bourgeois form? There is no need to 623 | abolish that; the development of industry has to a great extent 624 | already destroyed it, and is still destroying it daily. 625 | 626 | Or do you mean modern bourgeois private property? 627 | 628 | But does wage-labour create any property for the labourer? Not 629 | a bit. It creates capital, i.e., that kind of property which 630 | exploits wage-labour, and which cannot increase except upon 631 | condition of begetting a new supply of wage-labour for fresh 632 | exploitation. Property, in its present form, is based on the 633 | antagonism of capital and wage-labour. Let us examine both sides 634 | of this antagonism. 635 | 636 | To be a capitalist, is to have not only a purely personal, but a 637 | social status in production. Capital is a collective product, 638 | and only by the united action of many members, nay, in the last 639 | resort, only by the united action of all members of society, 640 | can it be set in motion. 641 | 642 | Capital is, therefore, not a personal, it is a social power. 643 | 644 | When, therefore, capital is converted into common property, into 645 | the property of all members of society, personal property is not 646 | thereby transformed into social property. It is only the social 647 | character of the property that is changed. It loses its 648 | class-character. 649 | 650 | Let us now take wage-labour. 651 | 652 | The average price of wage-labour is the minimum wage, i.e., 653 | that quantum of the means of subsistence, which is absolutely 654 | requisite in bare existence as a labourer. What, therefore, the 655 | wage-labourer appropriates by means of his labour, merely 656 | suffices to prolong and reproduce a bare existence. We by no 657 | means intend to abolish this personal appropriation of the 658 | products of labour, an appropriation that is made for the 659 | maintenance and reproduction of human life, and that leaves no 660 | surplus wherewith to command the labour of others. All that we 661 | want to do away with, is the miserable character of this 662 | appropriation, under which the labourer lives merely to increase 663 | capital, and is allowed to live only in so far as the interest of 664 | the ruling class requires it. 665 | 666 | In bourgeois society, living labour is but a means to increase 667 | accumulated labour. In Communist society, accumulated labour 668 | is but a means to widen, to enrich, to promote the existence 669 | of the labourer. 670 | 671 | In bourgeois society, therefore, the past dominates the present; 672 | in Communist society, the present dominates the past. In 673 | bourgeois society capital is independent and has individuality, 674 | while the living person is dependent and has no individuality. 675 | 676 | And the abolition of this state of things is called by the 677 | bourgeois, abolition of individuality and freedom! And rightly 678 | so. The abolition of bourgeois individuality, bourgeois 679 | independence, and bourgeois freedom is undoubtedly aimed at. 680 | 681 | By freedom is meant, under the present bourgeois conditions of 682 | production, free trade, free selling and buying. 683 | 684 | But if selling and buying disappears, free selling and buying 685 | disappears also. This talk about free selling and buying, and 686 | all the other "brave words" of our bourgeoisie about freedom in 687 | general, have a meaning, if any, only in contrast with restricted 688 | selling and buying, with the fettered traders of the Middle Ages, 689 | but have no meaning when opposed to the Communistic abolition of 690 | buying and selling, of the bourgeois conditions of production, 691 | and of the bourgeoisie itself. 692 | 693 | You are horrified at our intending to do away with private 694 | property. But in your existing society, private property is 695 | already done away with for nine-tenths of the population; its 696 | existence for the few is solely due to its non-existence in the 697 | hands of those nine-tenths. You reproach us, therefore, with 698 | intending to do away with a form of property, the necessary 699 | condition for whose existence is the non-existence of any 700 | property for the immense majority of society. 701 | 702 | In one word, you reproach us with intending to do away with your 703 | property. Precisely so; that is just what we intend. 704 | 705 | From the moment when labour can no longer be converted into 706 | capital, money, or rent, into a social power capable of being 707 | monopolised, i.e., from the moment when individual property can 708 | no longer be transformed into bourgeois property, into capital, 709 | from that moment, you say individuality vanishes. 710 | 711 | You must, therefore, confess that by "individual" you mean no 712 | other person than the bourgeois, than the middle-class owner of 713 | property. This person must, indeed, be swept out of the way, and 714 | made impossible. 715 | 716 | Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the 717 | products of society; all that it does is to deprive him of the 718 | power to subjugate the labour of others by means of such 719 | appropriation. 720 | 721 | It has been objected that upon the abolition of private property 722 | all work will cease, and universal laziness will overtake us. 723 | 724 | According to this, bourgeois society ought long ago to have gone 725 | to the dogs through sheer idleness; for those of its members who 726 | work, acquire nothing, and those who acquire anything, do not 727 | work. The whole of this objection is but another expression of 728 | the tautology: that there can no longer be any wage-labour when 729 | there is no longer any capital. 730 | 731 | All objections urged against the Communistic mode of producing 732 | and appropriating material products, have, in the same way, 733 | been urged against the Communistic modes of producing and 734 | appropriating intellectual products. Just as, to the bourgeois, 735 | the disappearance of class property is the disappearance of 736 | production itself, so the disappearance of class culture is to 737 | him identical with the disappearance of all culture. 738 | 739 | That culture, the loss of which he laments, is, for the enormous 740 | majority, a mere training to act as a machine. 741 | 742 | But don't wrangle with us so long as you apply, to our intended 743 | abolition of bourgeois property, the standard of your bourgeois 744 | notions of freedom, culture, law, etc. Your very ideas are but 745 | the outgrowth of the conditions of your bourgeois production and 746 | bourgeois property, just as your jurisprudence is but the will of 747 | your class made into a law for all, a will, whose essential 748 | character and direction are determined by the economical 749 | conditions of existence of your class. 750 | 751 | The selfish misconception that induces you to transform into 752 | eternal laws of nature and of reason, the social forms 753 | springing from your present mode of production and form of 754 | property--historical relations that rise and disappear in the 755 | progress of production--this misconception you share with every 756 | ruling class that has preceded you. What you see clearly in the 757 | case of ancient property, what you admit in the case of feudal 758 | property, you are of course forbidden to admit in the case of 759 | your own bourgeois form of property. 760 | 761 | Abolition of the family! Even the most radical flare up at this 762 | infamous proposal of the Communists. 763 | 764 | On what foundation is the present family, the bourgeois family, 765 | based? On capital, on private gain. In its completely developed 766 | form this family exists only among the bourgeoisie. But this 767 | state of things finds its complement in the practical absence of 768 | the family among the proletarians, and in public prostitution. 769 | 770 | The bourgeois family will vanish as a matter of course when its 771 | complement vanishes, and both will vanish with the vanishing of 772 | capital. 773 | 774 | Do you charge us with wanting to stop the exploitation of 775 | children by their parents? To this crime we plead guilty. 776 | 777 | But, you will say, we destroy the most hallowed of relations, 778 | when we replace home education by social. 779 | 780 | And your education! Is not that also social, and determined by the 781 | social conditions under which you educate, by the intervention, 782 | direct or indirect, of society, by means of schools, etc.? The 783 | Communists have not invented the intervention of society in 784 | education; they do but seek to alter the character of that 785 | intervention, and to rescue education from the influence of the 786 | ruling class. 787 | 788 | The bourgeois clap-trap about the family and education, about 789 | the hallowed co-relation of parent and child, becomes all the 790 | more disgusting, the more, by the action of Modern Industry, all 791 | family ties among the proletarians are torn asunder, and their 792 | children transformed into simple articles of commerce and 793 | instruments of labour. 794 | 795 | But you Communists would introduce community of women, screams 796 | the whole bourgeoisie in chorus. 797 | 798 | The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of production. 799 | He hears that the instruments of production are to be exploited 800 | in common, and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion than 801 | that the lot of being common to all will likewise fall to the 802 | women. 803 | 804 | He has not even a suspicion that the real point is to do away 805 | with the status of women as mere instruments of production. 806 | 807 | For the rest, nothing is more ridiculous than the 808 | virtuous indignation of our bourgeois at the community of women 809 | which, they pretend, is to be openly and officially established 810 | by the Communists. The Communists have no need to introduce 811 | community of women; it has existed almost from time immemorial. 812 | 813 | Our bourgeois, not content with having the wives and daughters 814 | of their proletarians at their disposal, not to speak of common 815 | prostitutes, take the greatest pleasure in seducing each other's 816 | wives. 817 | 818 | Bourgeois marriage is in reality a system of wives in common 819 | and thus, at the most, what the Communists might possibly 820 | be reproached with, is that they desire to introduce, in 821 | substitution for a hypocritically concealed, an openly legalised 822 | community of women. For the rest, it is self-evident that the 823 | abolition of the present system of production must bring with it 824 | the abolition of the community of women springing from that 825 | system, i.e., of prostitution both public and private. 826 | 827 | The Communists are further reproached with desiring to abolish 828 | countries and nationality. 829 | 830 | The working men have no country. We cannot take from them what 831 | they have not got. Since the proletariat must first of all 832 | acquire political supremacy, must rise to be the leading class of 833 | the nation, must constitute itself the nation, it is, so far, 834 | itself national, though not in the bourgeois sense of the word. 835 | 836 | National differences and antagonisms between peoples are daily 837 | more and more vanishing, owing to the development of the 838 | bourgeoisie, to freedom of commerce, to the world-market, to 839 | uniformity in the mode of production and in the conditions of 840 | life corresponding thereto. 841 | 842 | The supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish still 843 | faster. United action, of the leading civilised countries at 844 | least, is one of the first conditions for the emancipation of 845 | the proletariat. 846 | 847 | In proportion as the exploitation of one individual by another 848 | is put an end to, the exploitation of one nation by another will 849 | also be put an end to. In proportion as the antagonism between 850 | classes within the nation vanishes, the hostility of one nation 851 | to another will come to an end. 852 | 853 | The charges against Communism made from a religious, a 854 | philosophical, and, generally, from an ideological standpoint, 855 | are not deserving of serious examination. 856 | 857 | Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man's ideas, 858 | views and conceptions, in one word, man's consciousness, changes 859 | with every change in the conditions of his material existence, in 860 | his social relations and in his social life? 861 | 862 | What else does the history of ideas prove, than that 863 | intellectual production changes its character in proportion as 864 | material production is changed? The ruling ideas of each age 865 | have ever been the ideas of its ruling class. 866 | 867 | When people speak of ideas that revolutionise society, they do 868 | but express the fact, that within the old society, the elements 869 | of a new one have been created, and that the dissolution of the 870 | old ideas keeps even pace with the dissolution of the old 871 | conditions of existence. 872 | 873 | When the ancient world was in its last throes, the ancient 874 | religions were overcome by Christianity. When Christian ideas 875 | succumbed in the 18th century to rationalist ideas, feudal 876 | society fought its death battle with the then revolutionary 877 | bourgeoisie. The ideas of religious liberty and freedom of 878 | conscience merely gave expression to the sway of free competition 879 | within the domain of knowledge. 880 | 881 | "Undoubtedly," it will be said, "religious, moral, philosophical 882 | and juridical ideas have been modified in the course of 883 | historical development. But religion, morality philosophy, 884 | political science, and law, constantly survived this change." 885 | 886 | "There are, besides, eternal truths, such as Freedom, Justice, 887 | etc. that are common to all states of society. But Communism 888 | abolishes eternal truths, it abolishes all religion, and all 889 | morality, instead of constituting them on a new basis; it 890 | therefore acts in contradiction to all past historical experience." 891 | 892 | What does this accusation reduce itself to? The history of 893 | all past society has consisted in the development of class 894 | antagonisms, antagonisms that assumed different forms at 895 | different epochs. 896 | 897 | But whatever form they may have taken, one fact is common to all 898 | past ages, viz., the exploitation of one part of society by the 899 | other. No wonder, then, that the social consciousness of past 900 | ages, despite all the multiplicity and variety it displays, 901 | moves within certain common forms, or general ideas, which 902 | cannot completely vanish except with the total disappearance of 903 | class antagonisms. 904 | 905 | The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with 906 | traditional property relations; no wonder that its development 907 | involves the most radical rupture with traditional ideas. 908 | 909 | But let us have done with the bourgeois objections to Communism. 910 | 911 | We have seen above, that the first step in the revolution by the 912 | working class, is to raise the proletariat to the position of 913 | ruling as to win the battle of democracy. 914 | 915 | The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by 916 | degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralise all 917 | instruments of production in the hands of the State, i.e., of the 918 | proletariat organised as the ruling class; and to increase the 919 | total of productive forces as rapidly as possible. 920 | 921 | Of course, in the beginning, this cannot be effected except by 922 | means of despotic inroads on the rights of property, and on 923 | the conditions of bourgeois production; by means of measures, 924 | therefore, which appear economically insufficient and untenable, 925 | but which, in the course of the movement, outstrip themselves, 926 | necessitate further inroads upon the old social order, and are 927 | unavoidable as a means of entirely revolutionising the mode of 928 | production. 929 | 930 | These measures will of course be different in different 931 | countries. 932 | 933 | Nevertheless in the most advanced countries, the following will 934 | be pretty generally applicable. 935 | 936 | 1. Abolition of property in land and application of all rents 937 | of land to public purposes. 938 | 939 | 2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax. 940 | 941 | 3. Abolition of all right of inheritance. 942 | 943 | 4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels. 944 | 945 | 5. Centralisation of credit in the hands of the State, by means 946 | of a national bank with State capital and an exclusive 947 | monopoly. 948 | 949 | 6. Centralisation of the means of communication and transport 950 | in the hands of the State. 951 | 952 | 7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by 953 | the State; the bringing into cultivation of waste-lands, and 954 | the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a 955 | common plan. 956 | 957 | 8. Equal liability of all to labour. Establishment of 958 | industrial armies, especially for agriculture. 959 | 960 | 9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; 961 | gradual abolition of the distinction between town and 962 | country, by a more equable distribution of the population 963 | over the country. 964 | 965 | 10. Free education for all children in public schools. 966 | Abolition of children's factory labour in its present form. 967 | Combination of education with industrial production, &c., &c. 968 | 969 | When, in the course of development, class distinctions have 970 | disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the 971 | hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power 972 | will lose its political character. Political power, properly so 973 | called, is merely the organised power of one class for oppressing 974 | another. If the proletariat during its contest with the 975 | bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to 976 | organise itself as a class, if, by means of a revolution, it 977 | makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force 978 | the old conditions of production, then it will, along with these 979 | conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of 980 | class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will thereby have 981 | abolished its own supremacy as a class. 982 | 983 | In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and 984 | class antagonisms, we shall have an association, in which 985 | the free development of each is the condition for the free 986 | development of all. 987 | 988 | 989 | 990 | III. SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE 991 | 992 | 993 | 1. REACTIONARY SOCIALISM 994 | 995 | 996 | A. Feudal Socialism 997 | 998 | Owing to their historical position, it became the vocation of the 999 | aristocracies of France and England to write pamphlets against 1000 | modern bourgeois society. In the French revolution of July 1830, 1001 | and in the English reform agitation, these aristocracies again 1002 | succumbed to the hateful upstart. Thenceforth, a serious political 1003 | contest was altogether out of the question. A literary battle 1004 | alone remained possible. But even in the domain of literature 1005 | the old cries of the restoration period had become impossible. 1006 | 1007 | In order to arouse sympathy, the aristocracy were obliged to 1008 | lose sight, apparently, of their own interests, and to formulate 1009 | their indictment against the bourgeoisie in the interest of the 1010 | exploited working class alone. Thus the aristocracy took their 1011 | revenge by singing lampoons on their new master, and whispering 1012 | in his ears sinister prophecies of coming catastrophe. 1013 | 1014 | In this way arose Feudal Socialism: half lamentation, half 1015 | lampoon; half echo of the past, half menace of the future; at 1016 | times, by its bitter, witty and incisive criticism, striking the 1017 | bourgeoisie to the very heart's core; but always ludicrous in 1018 | its effect, through total incapacity to comprehend the march of 1019 | modern history. 1020 | 1021 | The aristocracy, in order to rally the people to them, waved the 1022 | proletarian alms-bag in front for a banner. But the people, so 1023 | often as it joined them, saw on their hindquarters the old feudal 1024 | coats of arms, and deserted with loud and irreverent laughter. 1025 | 1026 | One section of the French Legitimists and "Young England" 1027 | exhibited this spectacle. 1028 | 1029 | In pointing out that their mode of exploitation was different to 1030 | that of the bourgeoisie, the feudalists forget that they 1031 | exploited under circumstances and conditions that were quite 1032 | different, and that are now antiquated. In showing that, under 1033 | their rule, the modern proletariat never existed, they forget 1034 | that the modern bourgeoisie is the necessary offspring of their 1035 | own form of society. 1036 | 1037 | For the rest, so little do they conceal the reactionary 1038 | character of their criticism that their chief accusation against 1039 | the bourgeoisie amounts to this, that under the bourgeois regime 1040 | a class is being developed, which is destined to cut up root and 1041 | branch the old order of society. 1042 | 1043 | What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with is not so much that it 1044 | creates a proletariat, as that it creates a revolutionary 1045 | proletariat. 1046 | 1047 | In political practice, therefore, they join in all coercive 1048 | measures against the working class; and in ordinary life, 1049 | despite their high falutin phrases, they stoop to pick up the 1050 | golden apples dropped from the tree of industry, and to barter 1051 | truth, love, and honour for traffic in wool, beetroot-sugar, and 1052 | potato spirits. 1053 | 1054 | As the parson has ever gone hand in hand with the landlord, 1055 | so has Clerical Socialism with Feudal Socialism. 1056 | 1057 | Nothing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a Socialist 1058 | tinge. Has not Christianity declaimed against private property, 1059 | against marriage, against the State? Has it not preached in the 1060 | place of these, charity and poverty, celibacy and mortification 1061 | of the flesh, monastic life and Mother Church? Christian 1062 | Socialism is but the holy water with which the priest consecrates 1063 | the heart-burnings of the aristocrat. 1064 | 1065 | 1066 | B. Petty-Bourgeois Socialism 1067 | 1068 | The feudal aristocracy was not the only class that was ruined by 1069 | the bourgeoisie, not the only class whose conditions of existence 1070 | pined and perished in the atmosphere of modern bourgeois society. 1071 | The mediaeval burgesses and the small peasant proprietors were 1072 | the precursors of the modern bourgeoisie. In those countries 1073 | which are but little developed, industrially and commercially, 1074 | these two classes still vegetate side by side with the rising 1075 | bourgeoisie. 1076 | 1077 | In countries where modern civilisation has become fully 1078 | developed, a new class of petty bourgeois has been formed, 1079 | fluctuating between proletariat and bourgeoisie and ever renewing 1080 | itself as a supplementary part of bourgeois society. The 1081 | individual members of this class, however, are being constantly 1082 | hurled down into the proletariat by the action of competition, 1083 | and, as modern industry develops, they even see the moment 1084 | approaching when they will completely disappear as an independent 1085 | section of modern society, to be replaced, in manufactures, 1086 | agriculture and commerce, by overlookers, bailiffs and shopmen. 1087 | 1088 | In countries like France, where the peasants constitute far more 1089 | than half of the population, it was natural that writers who 1090 | sided with the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, should use, 1091 | in their criticism of the bourgeois regime, the standard of the 1092 | peasant and petty bourgeois, and from the standpoint of these 1093 | intermediate classes should take up the cudgels for the working 1094 | class. Thus arose petty-bourgeois Socialism. Sismondi was the 1095 | head of this school, not only in France but also in England. 1096 | 1097 | This school of Socialism dissected with great acuteness the 1098 | contradictions in the conditions of modern production. It laid 1099 | bare the hypocritical apologies of economists. It proved, 1100 | incontrovertibly, the disastrous effects of machinery and 1101 | division of labour; the concentration of capital and land in a 1102 | few hands; overproduction and crises; it pointed out the 1103 | inevitable ruin of the petty bourgeois and peasant, the misery 1104 | of the proletariat, the anarchy in production, the crying 1105 | inequalities in the distribution of wealth, the industrial war of 1106 | extermination between nations, the dissolution of old moral 1107 | bonds, of the old family relations, of the old nationalities. 1108 | 1109 | In its positive aims, however, this form of Socialism aspires 1110 | either to restoring the old means of production and of exchange, 1111 | and with them the old property relations, and the old society, or 1112 | to cramping the modern means of production and of exchange, 1113 | within the framework of the old property relations that have 1114 | been, and were bound to be, exploded by those means. In either 1115 | case, it is both reactionary and Utopian. 1116 | 1117 | Its last words are: corporate guilds for manufacture, 1118 | patriarchal relations in agriculture. 1119 | 1120 | Ultimately, when stubborn historical facts had dispersed all 1121 | intoxicating effects of self-deception, this form of Socialism 1122 | ended in a miserable fit of the blues. 1123 | 1124 | 1125 | C. German, or "True," Socialism 1126 | 1127 | The Socialist and Communist literature of France, a literature 1128 | that originated under the pressure of a bourgeoisie in power, and 1129 | that was the expression of the struggle against this power, was 1130 | introduced into Germany at a time when the bourgeoisie, in that 1131 | country, had just begun its contest with feudal absolutism. 1132 | 1133 | German philosophers, would-be philosophers, and beaux esprits, 1134 | eagerly seized on this literature, only forgetting, that when 1135 | these writings immigrated from France into Germany, French social 1136 | conditions had not immigrated along with them. In contact with 1137 | German social conditions, this French literature lost all its 1138 | immediate practical significance, and assumed a purely literary 1139 | aspect. Thus, to the German philosophers of the eighteenth 1140 | century, the demands of the first French Revolution were nothing 1141 | more than the demands of "Practical Reason" in general, and the 1142 | utterance of the will of the revolutionary French bourgeoisie 1143 | signified in their eyes the law of pure Will, of Will as it was 1144 | bound to be, of true human Will generally. 1145 | 1146 | The world of the German literate consisted solely in bringing 1147 | the new French ideas into harmony with their ancient philosophical 1148 | conscience, or rather, in annexing the French ideas without 1149 | deserting their own philosophic point of view. 1150 | 1151 | This annexation took place in the same way in which a foreign 1152 | language is appropriated, namely, by translation. 1153 | 1154 | It is well known how the monks wrote silly lives of Catholic 1155 | Saints over the manuscripts on which the classical works of 1156 | ancient heathendom had been written. The German literate 1157 | reversed this process with the profane French literature. They 1158 | wrote their philosophical nonsense beneath the French original. 1159 | For instance, beneath the French criticism of the economic 1160 | functions of money, they wrote "Alienation of Humanity," and 1161 | beneath the French criticism of the bourgeois State they wrote 1162 | "dethronement of the Category of the General," and so forth. 1163 | 1164 | The introduction of these philosophical phrases at the back of 1165 | the French historical criticisms they dubbed "Philosophy of 1166 | Action," "True Socialism," "German Science of Socialism," 1167 | "Philosophical Foundation of Socialism," and so on. 1168 | 1169 | The French Socialist and Communist literature was thus completely 1170 | emasculated. And, since it ceased in the hands of the German to express 1171 | the struggle of one class with the other, he felt conscious of having 1172 | overcome "French one-sidedness" and of representing, not true 1173 | requirements, but the requirements of truth; not the interests of the 1174 | proletariat, but the interests of Human Nature, of Man in general, who 1175 | belongs to no class, has no reality, who exists only in the misty realm 1176 | of philosophical fantasy. 1177 | 1178 | This German Socialism, which took its schoolboy task so seriously 1179 | and solemnly, and extolled its poor stock-in-trade in such 1180 | mountebank fashion, meanwhile gradually lost its pedantic 1181 | innocence. 1182 | 1183 | The fight of the German, and especially, of the Prussian bourgeoisie, 1184 | against feudal aristocracy and absolute monarchy, in other words, the 1185 | liberal movement, became more earnest. 1186 | 1187 | By this, the long wished-for opportunity was offered to "True" 1188 | Socialism of confronting the political movement with the 1189 | Socialist demands, of hurling the traditional anathemas 1190 | against liberalism, against representative government, against 1191 | bourgeois competition, bourgeois freedom of the press, bourgeois 1192 | legislation, bourgeois liberty and equality, and of preaching to 1193 | the masses that they had nothing to gain, and everything to lose, 1194 | by this bourgeois movement. German Socialism forgot, in the nick 1195 | of time, that the French criticism, whose silly echo it was, 1196 | presupposed the existence of modern bourgeois society, with its 1197 | corresponding economic conditions of existence, and the political 1198 | constitution adapted thereto, the very things whose attainment 1199 | was the object of the pending struggle in Germany. 1200 | 1201 | To the absolute governments, with their following of parsons, 1202 | professors, country squires and officials, it served as a welcome 1203 | scarecrow against the threatening bourgeoisie. 1204 | 1205 | It was a sweet finish after the bitter pills of floggings and 1206 | bullets with which these same governments, just at that time, 1207 | dosed the German working-class risings. 1208 | 1209 | While this "True" Socialism thus served the governments as a 1210 | weapon for fighting the German bourgeoisie, it, at the same time, 1211 | directly represented a reactionary interest, the interest of the 1212 | German Philistines. In Germany the petty-bourgeois class, a 1213 | relic of the sixteenth century, and since then constantly 1214 | cropping up again under various forms, is the real social basis 1215 | of the existing state of things. 1216 | 1217 | To preserve this class is to preserve the existing state of 1218 | things in Germany. The industrial and political supremacy of the 1219 | bourgeoisie threatens it with certain destruction; on the one 1220 | hand, from the concentration of capital; on the other, from the 1221 | rise of a revolutionary proletariat. "True" Socialism appeared to 1222 | kill these two birds with one stone. It spread like an epidemic. 1223 | 1224 | The robe of speculative cobwebs, embroidered with flowers 1225 | of rhetoric, steeped in the dew of sickly sentiment, this 1226 | transcendental robe in which the German Socialists wrapped their 1227 | sorry "eternal truths," all skin and bone, served to wonderfully 1228 | increase the sale of their goods amongst such a public. And on 1229 | its part, German Socialism recognised, more and more, its own 1230 | calling as the bombastic representative of the petty-bourgeois 1231 | Philistine. 1232 | 1233 | It proclaimed the German nation to be the model nation, and the 1234 | German petty Philistine to be the typical man. To every 1235 | villainous meanness of this model man it gave a hidden, higher, 1236 | Socialistic interpretation, the exact contrary of its real 1237 | character. It went to the extreme length of directly opposing 1238 | the "brutally destructive" tendency of Communism, and of 1239 | proclaiming its supreme and impartial contempt of all class 1240 | struggles. With very few exceptions, all the so-called Socialist 1241 | and Communist publications that now (1847) circulate in Germany 1242 | belong to the domain of this foul and enervating literature. 1243 | 1244 | 1245 | 2. CONSERVATIVE, OR BOURGEOIS, SOCIALISM 1246 | 1247 | A part of the bourgeoisie is desirous of redressing social 1248 | grievances, in order to secure the continued existence of 1249 | bourgeois society. 1250 | 1251 | To this section belong economists, philanthropists, 1252 | humanitarians, improvers of the condition of the working class, 1253 | organisers of charity, members of societies for the prevention of 1254 | cruelty to animals, temperance fanatics, hole-and-corner 1255 | reformers of every imaginable kind. This form of Socialism has, 1256 | moreover, been worked out into complete systems. 1257 | 1258 | We may cite Proudhon's Philosophie de la Misere as an example of 1259 | this form. 1260 | 1261 | The Socialistic bourgeois want all the advantages of modern 1262 | social conditions without the struggles and dangers necessarily 1263 | resulting therefrom. They desire the existing state of society 1264 | minus its revolutionary and disintegrating elements. They wish 1265 | for a bourgeoisie without a proletariat. The bourgeoisie 1266 | naturally conceives the world in which it is supreme to be the 1267 | best; and bourgeois Socialism develops this comfortable 1268 | conception into various more or less complete systems. In 1269 | requiring the proletariat to carry out such a system, and thereby 1270 | to march straightway into the social New Jerusalem, it but 1271 | requires in reality, that the proletariat should remain within 1272 | the bounds of existing society, but should cast away all its 1273 | hateful ideas concerning the bourgeoisie. 1274 | 1275 | A second and more practical, but less systematic, form of this 1276 | Socialism sought to depreciate every revolutionary movement in 1277 | the eyes of the working class, by showing that no mere political 1278 | reform, but only a change in the material conditions of 1279 | existence, in economic relations, could be of any advantage to 1280 | them. By changes in the material conditions of existence, this 1281 | form of Socialism, however, by no means understands abolition of 1282 | the bourgeois relations of production, an abolition that can be 1283 | effected only by a revolution, but administrative reforms, based 1284 | on the continued existence of these relations; reforms, 1285 | therefore, that in no respect affect the relations between 1286 | capital and labour, but, at the best, lessen the cost, and 1287 | simplify the administrative work, of bourgeois government. 1288 | 1289 | Bourgeois Socialism attains adequate expression, when, and only 1290 | when, it becomes a mere figure of speech. 1291 | 1292 | Free trade: for the benefit of the working class. Protective 1293 | duties: for the benefit of the working class. Prison Reform: for 1294 | the benefit of the working class. This is the last word and the 1295 | only seriously meant word of bourgeois Socialism. 1296 | 1297 | It is summed up in the phrase: the bourgeois is a bourgeois--for 1298 | the benefit of the working class. 1299 | 1300 | 1301 | 3. CRITICAL-UTOPIAN SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM 1302 | 1303 | We do not here refer to that literature which, in every great 1304 | modern revolution, has always given voice to the demands of the 1305 | proletariat, such as the writings of Babeuf and others. 1306 | 1307 | The first direct attempts of the proletariat to attain its own 1308 | ends, made in times of universal excitement, when feudal society 1309 | was being overthrown, these attempts necessarily failed, owing 1310 | to the then undeveloped state of the proletariat, as well as to 1311 | the absence of the economic conditions for its emancipation, 1312 | conditions that had yet to be produced, and could be produced 1313 | by the impending bourgeois epoch alone. The revolutionary 1314 | literature that accompanied these first movements of the 1315 | proletariat had necessarily a reactionary character. It 1316 | inculcated universal asceticism and social levelling in its 1317 | crudest form. 1318 | 1319 | The Socialist and Communist systems properly so called, those of 1320 | Saint-Simon, Fourier, Owen and others, spring into existence in 1321 | the early undeveloped period, described above, of the struggle 1322 | between proletariat and bourgeoisie (see Section 1. Bourgeois 1323 | and Proletarians). 1324 | 1325 | The founders of these systems see, indeed, the class antagonisms, as 1326 | well as the action of the decomposing elements, in the prevailing form 1327 | of society. But the proletariat, as yet in its infancy, offers to them 1328 | the spectacle of a class without any historical initiative or any 1329 | independent political movement. 1330 | 1331 | Since the development of class antagonism keeps even pace with 1332 | the development of industry, the economic situation, as they find 1333 | it, does not as yet offer to them the material conditions for the 1334 | emancipation of the proletariat. They therefore search after a 1335 | new social science, after new social laws, that are to create 1336 | these conditions. 1337 | 1338 | Historical action is to yield to their personal inventive 1339 | action, historically created conditions of emancipation to 1340 | fantastic ones, and the gradual, spontaneous class-organisation 1341 | of the proletariat to the organisation of society specially 1342 | contrived by these inventors. Future history resolves itself, in 1343 | their eyes, into the propaganda and the practical carrying out of 1344 | their social plans. 1345 | 1346 | In the formation of their plans they are conscious of caring 1347 | chiefly for the interests of the working class, as being the most 1348 | suffering class. Only from the point of view of being the most 1349 | suffering class does the proletariat exist for them. 1350 | 1351 | The undeveloped state of the class struggle, as well as their 1352 | own surroundings, causes Socialists of this kind to consider 1353 | themselves far superior to all class antagonisms. They want to 1354 | improve the condition of every member of society, even that of 1355 | the most favoured. Hence, they habitually appeal to society at 1356 | large, without distinction of class; nay, by preference, to the 1357 | ruling class. For how can people, when once they understand 1358 | their system, fail to see in it the best possible plan of the 1359 | best possible state of society? 1360 | 1361 | Hence, they reject all political, and especially all 1362 | revolutionary, action; they wish to attain their ends by 1363 | peaceful means, and endeavour, by small experiments, necessarily 1364 | doomed to failure, and by the force of example, to pave the way 1365 | for the new social Gospel. 1366 | 1367 | Such fantastic pictures of future society, painted at a time 1368 | when the proletariat is still in a very undeveloped state and has 1369 | but a fantastic conception of its own position correspond with 1370 | the first instinctive yearnings of that class for a general 1371 | reconstruction of society. 1372 | 1373 | But these Socialist and Communist publications contain also a 1374 | critical element. They attack every principle of existing society. 1375 | Hence they are full of the most valuable materials for the 1376 | enlightenment of the working class. The practical measures 1377 | proposed in them--such as the abolition of the distinction 1378 | between town and country, of the family, of the carrying on of 1379 | industries for the account of private individuals, and of the wage 1380 | system, the proclamation of social harmony, the conversion of the 1381 | functions of the State into a mere superintendence of production, 1382 | all these proposals, point solely to the disappearance of class 1383 | antagonisms which were, at that time, only just cropping up, and 1384 | which, in these publications, are recognised in their earliest, 1385 | indistinct and undefined forms only. These proposals, therefore, 1386 | are of a purely Utopian character. 1387 | 1388 | The significance of Critical-Utopian Socialism and Communism 1389 | bears an inverse relation to historical development. In 1390 | proportion as the modern class struggle develops and takes 1391 | definite shape, this fantastic standing apart from the contest, 1392 | these fantastic attacks on it, lose all practical value and all 1393 | theoretical justification. Therefore, although the originators 1394 | of these systems were, in many respects, revolutionary, their 1395 | disciples have, in every case, formed mere reactionary sects. 1396 | They hold fast by the original views of their masters, in 1397 | opposition to the progressive historical development of the 1398 | proletariat. They, therefore, endeavour, and that consistently, 1399 | to deaden the class struggle and to reconcile the class antagonisms. 1400 | They still dream of experimental realisation of their social 1401 | Utopias, of founding isolated "phalansteres," of establishing 1402 | "Home Colonies," of setting up a "Little Icaria"--duodecimo 1403 | editions of the New Jerusalem--and to realise all these castles 1404 | in the air, they are compelled to appeal to the feelings and 1405 | purses of the bourgeois. By degrees they sink into the category 1406 | of the reactionary conservative Socialists depicted above, 1407 | differing from these only by more systematic pedantry, and 1408 | by their fanatical and superstitious belief in the miraculous 1409 | effects of their social science. 1410 | 1411 | They, therefore, violently oppose all political action on the 1412 | part of the working class; such action, according to them, can 1413 | only result from blind unbelief in the new Gospel. 1414 | 1415 | The Owenites in England, and the Fourierists in France, 1416 | respectively, oppose the Chartists and the Reformistes. 1417 | 1418 | 1419 | 1420 | IV. POSITION OF THE COMMUNISTS IN RELATION TO THE 1421 | VARIOUS EXISTING OPPOSITION PARTIES 1422 | 1423 | Section II has made clear the relations of the Communists to the 1424 | existing working-class parties, such as the Chartists in England 1425 | and the Agrarian Reformers in America. 1426 | 1427 | The Communists fight for the attainment of the immediate aims, 1428 | for the enforcement of the momentary interests of the working 1429 | class; but in the movement of the present, they also represent 1430 | and take care of the future of that movement. In France the 1431 | Communists ally themselves with the Social-Democrats, against the 1432 | conservative and radical bourgeoisie, reserving, however, the 1433 | right to take up a critical position in regard to phrases and 1434 | illusions traditionally handed down from the great Revolution. 1435 | 1436 | In Switzerland they support the Radicals, without losing sight 1437 | of the fact that this party consists of antagonistic elements, 1438 | partly of Democratic Socialists, in the French sense, partly of 1439 | radical bourgeois. 1440 | 1441 | In Poland they support the party that insists on an agrarian 1442 | revolution as the prime condition for national emancipation, that 1443 | party which fomented the insurrection of Cracow in 1846. 1444 | 1445 | In Germany they fight with the bourgeoisie whenever it acts in a 1446 | revolutionary way, against the absolute monarchy, the feudal 1447 | squirearchy, and the petty bourgeoisie. 1448 | 1449 | But they never cease, for a single instant, to instil into the 1450 | working class the clearest possible recognition of the hostile 1451 | antagonism between bourgeoisie and proletariat, in order that the 1452 | German workers may straightaway use, as so many weapons against 1453 | the bourgeoisie, the social and political conditions that the 1454 | bourgeoisie must necessarily introduce along with its supremacy, 1455 | and in order that, after the fall of the reactionary classes in 1456 | Germany, the fight against the bourgeoisie itself may immediately 1457 | begin. 1458 | 1459 | The Communists turn their attention chiefly to Germany, because 1460 | that country is on the eve of a bourgeois revolution that 1461 | is bound to be carried out under more advanced conditions 1462 | of European civilisation, and with a much more developed 1463 | proletariat, than that of England was in the seventeenth, and of 1464 | France in the eighteenth century, and because the bourgeois 1465 | revolution in Germany will be but the prelude to an immediately 1466 | following proletarian revolution. 1467 | 1468 | In short, the Communists everywhere support every revolutionary 1469 | movement against the existing social and political order of 1470 | things. 1471 | 1472 | In all these movements they bring to the front, as the leading 1473 | question in each, the property question, no matter what its 1474 | degree of development at the time. 1475 | 1476 | Finally, they labour everywhere for the union and agreement of 1477 | the democratic parties of all countries. 1478 | 1479 | The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. 1480 | They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by 1481 | the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. 1482 | Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution. 1483 | The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. 1484 | They have a world to win. 1485 | 1486 | 1487 | WORKING MEN OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE! 1488 | -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- /README.md: -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 1 | # RoamNER has moved! (23/9/2020) 2 | 3 | RoamNER has joined forces with the RoamingNERd team, and we're actively working on **RoamNERd**, a browser-based NER service for Roam. Follow our [new Repo](https://github.com/ilenterman/RoamNERd), and check out our [public Roam devlog](https://roamresearch.com/#/app/roamNERD_test) 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | # RoamNER (Original Writeup) 8 | _Testing an implementation of Named-Entity Recognition integration for Roam Research_ 9 | 10 | 11 | ![Sample output in Roam Research](https://github.com/hmprt/RoamNER/blob/master/img/newFrontPage.png) 12 | 13 | **Check out the public RoamNER_V1 knowledge graph [here](https://roamresearch.com/#/app/roamNER_test)** 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | ## Why? 18 | 19 | Inpsired by a [tweet](https://twitter.com/balajis/status/1307140423937265664?s=20) by [Balaji Srinivasan](https://balajis.com/), I decided to try and make a working implementation of Named Entity Recognition in Roam. 20 | 21 | The upsides of this are enormous; being able to instantly cross-reference ideas from any written content is huge for researchers, students and hackers of all stripes and I'm not even really sure of where the limits on this sort of thing could be, especially with more work - see [this](https://twitter.com/RoamFm/status/1307009419524202496?s=20) thread for a collection of great ideas. Moreover, I also just fancied a challenge and wanted to see what I could hack together in a day. 22 | 23 | ## Implementation and user guide 24 | 25 | Everything is written in Python, and the only dependencies are [spacy](https://spacy.io/) and dateutil 26 | `pip3 install spacy` 27 | `pip3 install dateutil` 28 | 29 | If you haven't worked with spacy before, you'll also need to install their english-language NER model: 30 | `python -m spacy download en_core_web_sm` 31 | 32 | 33 | Everything else is plug 'n' play, with the user specifying a .txt file, the name of the text and the author. 34 | ``` 35 | $ python3 roamNER_V1.py 36 | > Please input a .txt file to load: ThePrince.txt 37 | > Please input the document's name: The Prince 38 | > Please input the title's author: Niccolo Machiavelli 39 | ``` 40 | RoamNER_V1 uses **spacy** for Named-Entity Recognition, identifies likely pages, and reformats the .txt input into a Roam-readable markdown file which the user can upload to a graph. 41 | 42 | ## Bugs and limitations 43 | 44 | While V1 works surprisingly well, there are a few issues: 45 | - The user is limited in the size of the markdown file that they can upload to Roam; if the file is too large, Roam won't accept it and will just generate a blank page with the title of the document. This is an issue on Roam's end, and there's not much I can do besides figure out the hard size limit for future versions. 46 | - Spacy's NER is good, but not great - nouns can get miscategorized and the data requires a fair amount of cleaning before it can be written to markdown. I think a lot of this is my being unfamiliar with the library (I only discovered it today!) 47 | - The count feature under tags is currently broken as it takes into account tags that I have discarded when formatting the data - this is an easy fix, but can wait until V2 because I need to eat. 48 | 49 | -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- /The Communist Manifesto.md: -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 1 | [[The Communist Manifesto]] by [[Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels]] 2 | ***Tags:** 3 | -__People__: 20 4 | -[[Friedrich Engels]], [[All the Powers]], [[Bourgeoisie]], [[Cape]], [[Roman]], [[Nay]], [[Law]], [[Hitherto]], [[Thenceforth]], [[Feudal Socialism]], [[England]], [[Christian Socialism]], [[B. Petty-Bourgeois]], [[Socialism]], [[Proudhon]], [[Saint-Simon]], [[Fourier]], [[Owen]], [[Utopias]] 5 | -__Organisations__: 40 6 | -[[Pope and Czar]], [[I. Communism]], [[all European Powers]], [[Power]], [[Proletariat]], [[Modern Industry]], [[State]], [[Reactionists]], [[Nature]], [[Capital]], [[Bourgeois]], [[Christianity]], [[Justice]], [[Clerical Socialism]], [[Socialist]], [[Mother Church]], [[Socialism]], [[The French Socialist]], [[Bourgeois Socialism]], [[Babeuf]], [[Gospel]] 7 | -__Geopolicial Entities__: 52 8 | -[[Communism]], [[Metternich]], [[Guizot]], [[London]], [[Manifesto]], [[Rome]], [[America]], [[Italy]], [[Germany]], [[France]], [[England]], [[Sismondi]], [[Utopian]], [[New Jerusalem]], [[The Owenites]], [[Reformistes]], [[Switzerland]], [[Poland]], [[Cracow]] 9 | -__Locations__: 8 10 | -[[Europe]], [[East]], [[West]], [[Communistic]], [[Socialistic]] 11 | -__Dates__: 5 12 | -[[1888]], [[march]], [[July 1830]], [[1847]], [[1846]] 13 | -__Structures__: 1 14 | -[[the French Legitimists]] 15 | -__Events__: 3 16 | -[[The French Revolution]], [[the first French Revolution]], [[Philosophie de la Misere]] 17 | ***The Communist Manifesto** (__raw text__) 18 | -MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY [From the English edition of 1888, edited by Friedrich Engels] A spectre is haunting Europe--the spectre of [[Communism]] 19 | -All the Powers of old [[Europe]] have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: Pope and Czar, [[Metternich]] and Guizot, French Radicals and German police-spies 20 | - Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as [[Communistic]] by its opponents in power? Where is the Opposition that has not hurled back the branding reproach of Communism, against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary adversaries? Two things result from this fact 21 | - I 22 | - [[Communism]] is already acknowledged by all European Powers to be itself a [[Power]] 23 | - II 24 | - It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of the whole world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies, and meet this nursery tale of the Spectre of [[Communism]] with a [[Manifesto]] of the party itself 25 | - To this end, Communists of various nationalities have assembled in London, and sketched the following Manifesto, to be published in the English, French, German, Italian, Flemish and Danish languages 26 | - I 27 | - BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS The history of all hitherto existing societies is the history of class struggles 28 | - Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary re-constitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes 29 | - In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold gradation of social rank 30 | - In ancient [[Rome]] we have patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate gradations 31 | - The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms 32 | - It has but established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones 33 | - Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinctive feature: it has simplified the class antagonisms 34 | -Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes, directly facing each other: [[Bourgeoisie]] and [[Proletariat]] 35 | - From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of the earliest towns 36 | - From these burgesses the first elements of the bourgeoisie were developed 37 | - The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie 38 | -The East-Indian and Chinese markets, the colonisation of America, trade with the colonies, the increase in the means of exchange and in commodities generally, gave to commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known, and thereby, to the revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid development 39 | - The feudal system of industry, under which industrial production was monopolised by closed guilds, now no longer sufficed for the growing wants of the new markets 40 | - The manufacturing system took its place 41 | - The guild-masters were pushed on one side by the manufacturing middle class; division of labour between the different corporate guilds vanished in the face of division of labour in each single workshop 42 | - Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising 43 | -Even manufacture no longer sufficed 44 | - Thereupon, steam and machinery revolutionised industrial production 45 | - The place of manufacture was taken by the giant, Modern Industry, the place of the industrial middle class, by industrial millionaires, the leaders of whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois 46 | - Modern industry has established the world-market, for which the discovery of [[America]] paved the way 47 | - This market has given an immense development to commerce, to navigation, to communication by land 48 | - This development has, in its time, reacted on the extension of industry; and in proportion as industry, commerce, navigation, railways extended, in the same proportion the bourgeoisie developed, increased its capital, and pushed into the background every class handed down from the Middle Ages 49 | - We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the product of a long course of development, of a series of revolutions in the modes of production and of exchange 50 | - Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a corresponding political advance of that class 51 | - An oppressed class under the sway of the feudal nobility, an armed and self-governing association in the mediaeval commune; here independent urban republic (as in [[Italy]] and Germany), there taxable "third estate" of the monarchy (as in France), afterwards, in the period of manufacture proper, serving either the semi-feudal or the absolute monarchy as a counterpoise against the nobility, and, in fact, corner-stone of the great monarchies in general, the bourgeoisie has at last, since the establishment of Modern Industry and of the world-market, conquered for itself, in the modern representative State, exclusive political sway 52 | - The executive of the modern [[State]] is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie 53 | - The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part 54 | - The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations 55 | - It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his "natural superiors," and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous "cash payment." It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervour, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation 56 | - It has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and in place of the numberless and indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that single, unconscionable freedom--Free Trade 57 | - In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation 58 | - The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honoured and looked up to with reverent awe 59 | - It has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into its paid wage labourers 60 | - The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and has reduced the family relation to a mere money relation 61 | - The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal display of vigour in the Middle Ages, which [[Reactionists]] so much admire, found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence 62 | - It has been the first to show what man's activity can bring about 63 | - It has accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, [[Roman]] aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted expeditions that put in the shade all former Exoduses of nations and crusades 64 | - The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionising the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them the whole relations of society 65 | -Conservation of the old modes of production in unaltered form, was, on the contrary, the first condition of existence for all earlier industrial classes 66 | -Constant revolutionising of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones 67 | -All fixed, fast-frozen relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated before they can ossify 68 | -All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses, his real conditions of life, and his relations with his kind 69 | - The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe 70 | -It must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connexions everywhere 71 | - The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world-market given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country 72 | - To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it has drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood 73 | - All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed 74 | - They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilised nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe 75 | - In place of the old wants, satisfied by the productions of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes 76 | - In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-dependence of nations 77 | - And as in material, so also in intellectual production 78 | - The intellectual creations of individual nations become common property 79 | - National one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures, there arises a world literature 80 | - The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilisation 81 | -The cheap prices of its commodities are the heavy artillery with which it batters down all Chinese walls, with which it forces the barbarians' intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate 82 | - It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to introduce what it calls civilisation into their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves 83 | - In one word, it creates a world after its own image 84 | - The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns 85 | - It has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban population as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural life 86 | - Just as it has made the country dependent on the towns, so it has made barbarian and semi-barbarian countries dependent on the civilised ones, nations of peasants on nations of bourgeois, the [[East]] on the [[West]] 87 | - The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the scattered state of the population, of the means of production, and of property 88 | - It has agglomerated production, and has concentrated property in a few hands 89 | - The necessary consequence of this was political centralisation 90 | - Independent, or but loosely connected provinces, with separate interests, laws, governments and systems of taxation, became lumped together into one nation, with one government, one code of laws, one national class-interest, one frontier and one customs-tariff 91 | - The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all preceding generations together 92 | - Subjection of Nature's forces to man, machinery, application of chemistry to industry and agriculture, steam-navigation, railways, electric telegraphs, clearing of whole continents for cultivation, canalisation of rivers, whole populations conjured out of the ground--what earlier century had even a presentiment that such productive forces slumbered in the lap of social labour? We see then: the means of production and of exchange, on whose foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal society 93 | - At a certain stage in the development of these means of production and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal society produced and exchanged, the feudal organisation of agriculture and manufacturing industry, in one word, the feudal relations of property became no longer compatible with the already developed productive forces; they became so many fetters 94 | -They had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder 95 | - Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and political constitution adapted to it, and by the economical and political sway of the bourgeois class 96 | - A similar movement is going on before our own eyes 97 | - Modern bourgeois society with its relations of production, of exchange and of property, a society that has conjured up such gigantic means of production and of exchange, is like the sorcerer, who is no longer able to control the powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells 98 | - For many a decade past the history of industry and commerce is but the history of the revolt of modern productive forces against modern conditions of production, against the property relations that are the conditions for the existence of the bourgeoisie and of its rule 99 | - It is enough to mention the commercial crises that by their periodical return put on its trial, each time more threateningly, the existence of the entire bourgeois society 100 | - In these crises a great part not only of the existing products, but also of the previously created productive forces, are periodically destroyed 101 | - In these crises there breaks out an epidemic that, in all earlier epochs, would have seemed an absurdity--the epidemic of over-production 102 | -Society suddenly finds itself put back into a state of momentary barbarism; it appears as if a famine, a universal war of devastation had cut off the supply of every means of subsistence; industry and commerce seem to be destroyed; and why? Because there is too much civilisation, too much means of subsistence, too much industry, too much commerce 103 | - The productive forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the development of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, they have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they are fettered, and so soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring disorder into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger the existence of bourgeois property 104 | - The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them 105 | -And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one hand inforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones 106 | - That is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented 107 | - The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself 108 | - But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons--the modern working class--the proletarians 109 | - In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital, is developed, in the same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working class, developed--a class of labourers, who live only so long as they find work, and who find work only so long as their labour increases capital 110 | - These labourers, who must sell themselves piece-meal, are a commodity, like every other article of commerce, and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes of competition, to all the fluctuations of the market 111 | - Owing to the extensive use of machinery and to division of labour, the work of the proletarians has lost all individual character, and consequently, all charm for the workman 112 | - He becomes an appendage of the machine, and it is only the most simple, most monotonous, and most easily acquired knack, that is required of him 113 | - Hence, the cost of production of a workman is restricted, almost entirely, to the means of subsistence that he requires for his maintenance, and for the propagation of his race 114 | - But the price of a commodity, and therefore also of labour, is equal to its cost of production 115 | - In proportion therefore, as the repulsiveness of the work increases, the wage decreases 116 | - [[Nay]] more, in proportion as the use of machinery and division of labour increases, in the same proportion the burden of toil also increases, whether by prolongation of the working hours, by increase of the work exacted in a given time or by increased speed of the machinery, etc 117 | - Modern industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchal master into the great factory of the industrial capitalist 118 | - Masses of labourers, crowded into the factory, are organised like soldiers 119 | - As privates of the industrial army they are placed under the command of a perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants 120 | - Not only are they slaves of the bourgeois class, and of the bourgeois State; they are daily and hourly enslaved by the machine, by the over-looker, and, above all, by the individual bourgeois manufacturer himself 121 | - The more openly this despotism proclaims gain to be its end and aim, the more petty, the more hateful and the more embittering it is 122 | - The less the skill and exertion of strength implied in manual labour, in other words, the more modern industry becomes developed, the more is the labour of men superseded by that of women 123 | -Differences of age and sex have no longer any distinctive social validity for the working class 124 | -All are instruments of labour, more or less expensive to use, according to their age and sex 125 | - No sooner is the exploitation of the labourer by the manufacturer, so far at an end, that he receives his wages in cash, than he is set upon by the other portions of the bourgeoisie, the landlord, the shopkeeper, the pawnbroker, etc 126 | - The lower strata of the middle class--the small tradespeople, shopkeepers, retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and peasants--all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly because their diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale on which Modern Industry is carried on, and is swamped in the competition with the large capitalists, partly because their specialized skill is rendered worthless by the new methods of production 127 | - Thus the proletariat is recruited from all classes of the population 128 | - The proletariat goes through various stages of development 129 | -With its birth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie 130 | - At first the contest is carried on by individual labourers, then by the workpeople of a factory, then by the operatives of one trade, in one locality, against the individual bourgeois who directly exploits them 131 | - They direct their attacks not against the bourgeois conditions of production, but against the instruments of production themselves; they destroy imported wares that compete with their labour, they smash to pieces machinery, they set factories ablaze, they seek to restore by force the vanished status of the workman of the Middle Ages 132 | - At this stage the labourers still form an incoherent mass scattered over the whole country, and broken up by their mutual competition 133 | - If anywhere they unite to form more compact bodies, this is not yet the consequence of their own active union, but of the union of the bourgeoisie, which class, in order to attain its own political ends, is compelled to set the whole proletariat in motion, and is moreover yet, for a time, able to do so 134 | - At this stage, therefore, the proletarians do not fight their enemies, but the enemies of their enemies, the remnants of absolute monarchy, the landowners, the non-industrial bourgeois, the petty bourgeoisie 135 | - Thus the whole historical movement is concentrated in the hands of the bourgeoisie; every victory so obtained is a victory for the bourgeoisie 136 | - But with the development of industry the proletariat not only increases in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its strength grows, and it feels that strength more 137 | - The various interests and conditions of life within the ranks of the proletariat are more and more equalised, in proportion as machinery obliterates all distinctions of labour, and nearly everywhere reduces wages to the same low level 138 | - The growing competition among the bourgeois, and the resulting commercial crises, make the wages of the workers ever more fluctuating 139 | - The unceasing improvement of machinery, ever more rapidly developing, makes their livelihood more and more precarious; the collisions between individual workmen and individual bourgeois take more and more the character of collisions between two classes 140 | - Thereupon the workers begin to form combinations (Trades Unions) against the bourgeois; they club together in order to keep up the rate of wages; they found permanent associations in order to make provision beforehand for these occasional revolts 141 | - Here and there the contest breaks out into riots 142 | - Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time 143 | -The real fruit of their battles lies, not in the immediate result, but in the ever-expanding union of the workers 144 | - This union is helped on by the improved means of communication that are created by modern industry and that place the workers of different localities in contact with one another 145 | - It was just this contact that was needed to centralise the numerous local struggles, all of the same character, into one national struggle between classes 146 | - But every class struggle is a political struggle 147 | - And that union, to attain which the burghers of the Middle Ages, with their miserable highways, required centuries, the modern proletarians, thanks to railways, achieve in a few years 148 | - This organisation of the proletarians into a class, and consequently into a political party, is continually being upset again by the competition between the workers themselves 149 | - But it ever rises up again, stronger, firmer, mightier 150 | - It compels legislative recognition of particular interests of the workers, by taking advantage of the divisions among the bourgeoisie itself 151 | - Thus the ten-hours' bill in [[England]] was carried 152 | - Altogether collisions between the classes of the old society further, in many ways, the course of development of the proletariat 153 | -The bourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant battle 154 | -At first with the aristocracy; later on, with those portions of the bourgeoisie itself, whose interests have become antagonistic to the progress of industry; at all times, with the bourgeoisie of foreign countries 155 | -In all these battles it sees itself compelled to appeal to the proletariat, to ask for its help, and thus, to drag it into the political arena 156 | -The bourgeoisie itself, therefore, supplies the proletariat with its own instruments of political and general education, in other words, it furnishes the proletariat with weapons for fighting the bourgeoisie 157 | - Further, as we have already seen, entire sections of the ruling classes are, by the advance of industry, precipitated into the proletariat, or are at least threatened in their conditions of existence 158 | - These also supply the proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment and progress 159 | - Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour, the process of dissolution going on within the ruling class, in fact within the whole range of society, assumes such a violent, glaring character, that a small section of the ruling class cuts itself adrift, and joins the revolutionary class, the class that holds the future in its hands 160 | - Just as, therefore, at an earlier period, a section of the nobility went over to the bourgeoisie, so now a portion of the bourgeoisie goes over to the proletariat, and in particular, a portion of the bourgeois ideologists, who have raised themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole 161 | - Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today, the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class 162 | -The other classes decay and finally disappear in the face of Modern Industry; the proletariat is its special and essential product 163 | - The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper, the artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the bourgeoisie, to save from extinction their existence as fractions of the middle class 164 | - They are therefore not revolutionary, but conservative 165 | - [[Nay]] more, they are reactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of history 166 | - If by chance they are revolutionary, they are so only in view of their impending transfer into the proletariat, they thus defend not their present, but their future interests, they desert their own standpoint to place themselves at that of the proletariat 167 | - The "dangerous class," the social scum, that passively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest layers of old society, may, here and there, be swept into the movement by a proletarian revolution; its conditions of life, however, prepare it far more for the part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue 168 | - In the conditions of the proletariat, those of old society at large are already virtually swamped 169 | - The proletarian is without property; his relation to his wife and children has no longer anything in common with the bourgeois family-relations; modern industrial labour, modern subjection to capital, the same in [[England]] as in France, in [[America]] as in Germany, has stripped him of every trace of national character 170 | - Law, morality, religion, are to him so many bourgeois prejudices, behind which lurk in ambush just as many bourgeois interests 171 | - All the preceding classes that got the upper hand, sought to fortify their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to their conditions of appropriation 172 | - The proletarians cannot become masters of the productive forces of society, except by abolishing their own previous mode of appropriation, and thereby also every other previous mode of appropriation 173 | - They have nothing of their own to secure and to fortify; their mission is to destroy all previous securities for, and insurances of, individual property 174 | - All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in the interests of minorities 175 | - The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interests of the immense majority 176 | - The proletariat, the lowest stratum of our present society, cannot stir, cannot raise itself up, without the whole superincumbent strata of official society being sprung into the air 177 | - Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the proletariat with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle 178 | -The proletariat of each country must, of course, first of all settle matters with its own bourgeoisie 179 | - In depicting the most general phases of the development of the proletariat, we traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging within existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out into open revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat 180 | - Hitherto, every form of society has been based, as we have already seen, on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed classes 181 | - But in order to oppress a class, certain conditions must be assured to it under which it can, at least, continue its slavish existence 182 | - The serf, in the period of serfdom, raised himself to membership in the commune, just as the petty bourgeois, under the yoke of feudal absolutism, managed to develop into a bourgeois 183 | - The modern laborer, on the contrary, instead of rising with the progress of industry, sinks deeper and deeper below the conditions of existence of his own class 184 | - He becomes a pauper, and pauperism develops more rapidly than population and wealth 185 | - And here it becomes evident, that the bourgeoisie is unfit any longer to be the ruling class in society, and to impose its conditions of existence upon society as an over-riding law 186 | - It is unfit to rule because it is incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery, because it cannot help letting him sink into such a state, that it has to feed him, instead of being fed by him 187 | -Society can no longer live under this bourgeoisie, in other words, its existence is no longer compatible with society 188 | - The essential condition for the existence, and for the sway of the bourgeois class, is the formation and augmentation of capital; the condition for capital is wage-labour 189 | - Wage-labour rests exclusively on competition between the laborers 190 | - The advance of industry, whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the labourers, due to competition, by their revolutionary combination, due to association 191 | - The development of Modern Industry, therefore, cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products 192 | - What the bourgeoisie, therefore, produces, above all, is its own grave-diggers 193 | - Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable 194 | - II 195 | - PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a whole? The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other working-class parties 196 | - They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole 197 | - They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement 198 | - The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties by this only: (1) In the national struggles of the proletarians of the different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality 199 | - (2) In the various stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole 200 | - The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically, the most advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties of every country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the other hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the line of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement 201 | - The immediate aim of the Communist is the same as that of all the other proletarian parties: formation of the proletariat into a class, overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power by the proletariat 202 | - The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no way based on ideas or principles that have been invented, or discovered, by this or that would-be universal reformer 203 | - They merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing from an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on under our very eyes 204 | - The abolition of existing property relations is not at all a distinctive feature of [[Communism]] 205 | - All property relations in the past have continually been subject to historical change consequent upon the change in historical conditions 206 | - The French Revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in favour of bourgeois property 207 | - The distinguishing feature of [[Communism]] is not the abolition of property generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property 208 | -But modern bourgeois private property is the final and most complete expression of the system of producing and appropriating products, that is based on class antagonisms, on the exploitation of the many by the few 209 | - In this sense, the theory of the Communists may be summed up in the single sentence: Abolition of private property 210 | - We Communists have been reproached with the desire of abolishing the right of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a man's own labour, which property is alleged to be the groundwork of all personal freedom, activity and independence 211 | - Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earned property! Do you mean the property of the petty artisan and of the small peasant, a form of property that preceded the bourgeois form? There is no need to abolish that; the development of industry has to a great extent already destroyed it, and is still destroying it daily 212 | - Or do you mean modern bourgeois private property? But does wage-labour create any property for the labourer? Not a bit 213 | - It creates capital, i.e., that kind of property which exploits wage-labour, and which cannot increase except upon condition of begetting a new supply of wage-labour for fresh exploitation 214 | - Property, in its present form, is based on the antagonism of capital and wage-labour 215 | - Let us examine both sides of this antagonism 216 | - To be a capitalist, is to have not only a purely personal, but a social status in production 217 | - [[Capital]] is a collective product, and only by the united action of many members, nay, in the last resort, only by the united action of all members of society, can it be set in motion 218 | - [[Capital]] is, therefore, not a personal, it is a social power 219 | - When, therefore, capital is converted into common property, into the property of all members of society, personal property is not thereby transformed into social property 220 | -It is only the social character of the property that is changed 221 | -It loses its class-character 222 | - Let us now take wage-labour 223 | - The average price of wage-labour is the minimum wage, i.e., that quantum of the means of subsistence, which is absolutely requisite in bare existence as a labourer 224 | - What, therefore, the wage-labourer appropriates by means of his labour, merely suffices to prolong and reproduce a bare existence 225 | - We by no means intend to abolish this personal appropriation of the products of labour, an appropriation that is made for the maintenance and reproduction of human life, and that leaves no surplus wherewith to command the labour of others 226 | - All that we want to do away with, is the miserable character of this appropriation, under which the labourer lives merely to increase capital, and is allowed to live only in so far as the interest of the ruling class requires it 227 | - In bourgeois society, living labour is but a means to increase accumulated labour 228 | - In Communist society, accumulated labour is but a means to widen, to enrich, to promote the existence of the labourer 229 | - In bourgeois society, therefore, the past dominates the present; in Communist society, the present dominates the past 230 | - In bourgeois society capital is independent and has individuality, while the living person is dependent and has no individuality 231 | - And the abolition of this state of things is called by the bourgeois, abolition of individuality and freedom! And rightly so 232 | -The abolition of bourgeois individuality, bourgeois independence, and bourgeois freedom is undoubtedly aimed at 233 | - By freedom is meant, under the present bourgeois conditions of production, free trade, free selling and buying 234 | - But if selling and buying disappears, free selling and buying disappears also 235 | - This talk about free selling and buying, and all the other "brave words" of our bourgeoisie about freedom in general, have a meaning, if any, only in contrast with restricted selling and buying, with the fettered traders of the Middle Ages, but have no meaning when opposed to the [[Communistic]] abolition of buying and selling, of the bourgeois conditions of production, and of the bourgeoisie itself 236 | - You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property 237 | - But in your existing society, private property is already done away with for nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the few is solely due to its non-existence in the hands of those nine-tenths 238 | - You reproach us, therefore, with intending to do away with a form of property, the necessary condition for whose existence is the non-existence of any property for the immense majority of society 239 | - In one word, you reproach us with intending to do away with your property 240 | - Precisely so; that is just what we intend 241 | - From the moment when labour can no longer be converted into capital, money, or rent, into a social power capable of being monopolised, i.e., from the moment when individual property can no longer be transformed into bourgeois property, into capital, from that moment, you say individuality vanishes 242 | - You must, therefore, confess that by "individual" you mean no other person than the bourgeois, than the middle-class owner of property 243 | - This person must, indeed, be swept out of the way, and made impossible 244 | - [[Communism]] deprives no man of the power to appropriate the products of society; all that it does is to deprive him of the power to subjugate the labour of others by means of such appropriation 245 | - It has been objected that upon the abolition of private property all work will cease, and universal laziness will overtake us 246 | - According to this, bourgeois society ought long ago to have gone to the dogs through sheer idleness; for those of its members who work, acquire nothing, and those who acquire anything, do not work 247 | -The whole of this objection is but another expression of the tautology: that there can no longer be any wage-labour when there is no longer any capital 248 | - All objections urged against the [[Communistic]] mode of producing and appropriating material products, have, in the same way, been urged against the [[Communistic]] modes of producing and appropriating intellectual products 249 | - Just as, to the bourgeois, the disappearance of class property is the disappearance of production itself, so the disappearance of class culture is to him identical with the disappearance of all culture 250 | - That culture, the loss of which he laments, is, for the enormous majority, a mere training to act as a machine 251 | - But don't wrangle with us so long as you apply, to our intended abolition of bourgeois property, the standard of your bourgeois notions of freedom, culture, law, etc 252 | - Your very ideas are but the outgrowth of the conditions of your bourgeois production and bourgeois property, just as your jurisprudence is but the will of your class made into a law for all, a will, whose essential character and direction are determined by the economical conditions of existence of your class 253 | - The selfish misconception that induces you to transform into eternal laws of nature and of reason, the social forms springing from your present mode of production and form of property--historical relations that rise and disappear in the progress of production--this misconception you share with every ruling class that has preceded you 254 | - What you see clearly in the case of ancient property, what you admit in the case of feudal property, you are of course forbidden to admit in the case of your own bourgeois form of property 255 | - Abolition of the family! Even the most radical flare up at this infamous proposal of the Communists 256 | - On what foundation is the present family, the bourgeois family, based? On capital, on private gain 257 | - In its completely developed form this family exists only among the bourgeoisie 258 | - But this state of things finds its complement in the practical absence of the family among the proletarians, and in public prostitution 259 | - The bourgeois family will vanish as a matter of course when its complement vanishes, and both will vanish with the vanishing of capital 260 | - Do you charge us with wanting to stop the exploitation of children by their parents? To this crime we plead guilty 261 | - But, you will say, we destroy the most hallowed of relations, when we replace home education by social 262 | - And your education! Is not that also social, and determined by the social conditions under which you educate, by the intervention, direct or indirect, of society, by means of schools, etc.? The Communists have not invented the intervention of society in education; they do but seek to alter the character of that intervention, and to rescue education from the influence of the ruling class 263 | - The bourgeois clap-trap about the family and education, about the hallowed co-relation of parent and child, becomes all the more disgusting, the more, by the action of Modern Industry, all family ties among the proletarians are torn asunder, and their children transformed into simple articles of commerce and instruments of labour 264 | - But you Communists would introduce community of women, screams the whole bourgeoisie in chorus 265 | - The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of production 266 | -He hears that the instruments of production are to be exploited in common, and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion than that the lot of being common to all will likewise fall to the women 267 | - He has not even a suspicion that the real point is to do away with the status of women as mere instruments of production 268 | - For the rest, nothing is more ridiculous than the virtuous indignation of our bourgeois at the community of women which, they pretend, is to be openly and officially established by the Communists 269 | - The Communists have no need to introduce community of women; it has existed almost from time immemorial 270 | - Our bourgeois, not content with having the wives and daughters of their proletarians at their disposal, not to speak of common prostitutes, take the greatest pleasure in seducing each other's wives 271 | - [[Bourgeois]] marriage is in reality a system of wives in common and thus, at the most, what the Communists might possibly be reproached with, is that they desire to introduce, in substitution for a hypocritically concealed, an openly legalised community of women 272 | -For the rest, it is self-evident that the abolition of the present system of production must bring with it the abolition of the community of women springing from that system, i.e., of prostitution both public and private 273 | - The Communists are further reproached with desiring to abolish countries and nationality 274 | - The working men have no country 275 | - We cannot take from them what they have not got 276 | - Since the proletariat must first of all acquire political supremacy, must rise to be the leading class of the nation, must constitute itself the nation, it is, so far, itself national, though not in the bourgeois sense of the word 277 | - National differences and antagonisms between peoples are daily more and more vanishing, owing to the development of the bourgeoisie, to freedom of commerce, to the world-market, to uniformity in the mode of production and in the conditions of life corresponding thereto 278 | - The supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish still faster 279 | -United action, of the leading civilised countries at least, is one of the first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat 280 | - In proportion as the exploitation of one individual by another is put an end to, the exploitation of one nation by another will also be put an end to 281 | - In proportion as the antagonism between classes within the nation vanishes, the hostility of one nation to another will come to an end 282 | - The charges against [[Communism]] made from a religious, a philosophical, and, generally, from an ideological standpoint, are not deserving of serious examination 283 | - Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man's ideas, views and conceptions, in one word, man's consciousness, changes with every change in the conditions of his material existence, in his social relations and in his social life? What else does the history of ideas prove, than that intellectual production changes its character in proportion as material production is changed? The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas of its ruling class 284 | - When people speak of ideas that revolutionise society, they do but express the fact, that within the old society, the elements of a new one have been created, and that the dissolution of the old ideas keeps even pace with the dissolution of the old conditions of existence 285 | - When the ancient world was in its last throes, the ancient religions were overcome by [[Christianity]] 286 | - When Christian ideas succumbed in the 18th century to rationalist ideas, feudal society fought its death battle with the then revolutionary bourgeoisie 287 | - The ideas of religious liberty and freedom of conscience merely gave expression to the sway of free competition within the domain of knowledge 288 | - "Undoubtedly," it will be said, "religious, moral, philosophical and juridical ideas have been modified in the course of historical development 289 | - But religion, morality philosophy, political science, and law, constantly survived this change." "There are, besides, eternal truths, such as Freedom, Justice, etc 290 | -that are common to all states of society 291 | -But [[Communism]] abolishes eternal truths, it abolishes all religion, and all morality, instead of constituting them on a new basis; it therefore acts in contradiction to all past historical experience." What does this accusation reduce itself to? The history of all past society has consisted in the development of class antagonisms, antagonisms that assumed different forms at different epochs 292 | - But whatever form they may have taken, one fact is common to all past ages, viz., the exploitation of one part of society by the other 293 | -No wonder, then, that the social consciousness of past ages, despite all the multiplicity and variety it displays, moves within certain common forms, or general ideas, which cannot completely vanish except with the total disappearance of class antagonisms 294 | - The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with traditional property relations; no wonder that its development involves the most radical rupture with traditional ideas 295 | - But let us have done with the bourgeois objections to [[Communism]] 296 | - We have seen above, that the first step in the revolution by the working class, is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling as to win the battle of democracy 297 | - The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralise all instruments of production in the hands of the State, i.e., of the proletariat organised as the ruling class; and to increase the total of productive forces as rapidly as possible 298 | - Of course, in the beginning, this cannot be effected except by means of despotic inroads on the rights of property, and on the conditions of bourgeois production; by means of measures, therefore, which appear economically insufficient and untenable, but which, in the course of the movement, outstrip themselves, necessitate further inroads upon the old social order, and are unavoidable as a means of entirely revolutionising the mode of production 299 | - These measures will of course be different in different countries 300 | - Nevertheless in the most advanced countries, the following will be pretty generally applicable 301 | - 1 302 | - Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public purposes 303 | - 2 304 | - A heavy progressive or graduated income tax 305 | - 3 306 | - Abolition of all right of inheritance 307 | - 4 308 | - Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels 309 | - 5 310 | - Centralisation of credit in the hands of the State, by means of a national bank with [[State]] capital and an exclusive monopoly 311 | - 6 312 | - Centralisation of the means of communication and transport in the hands of the [[State]] 313 | - 7 314 | - Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the State; the bringing into cultivation of waste-lands, and the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan 315 | - 8 316 | - Equal liability of all to labour 317 | - Establishment of industrial armies, especially for agriculture 318 | - 9 319 | - Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual abolition of the distinction between town and country, by a more equable distribution of the population over the country 320 | - 10 321 | -Free education for all children in public schools 322 | - Abolition of children's factory labour in its present form 323 | - Combination of education with industrial production, &c., &c 324 | - When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its political character 325 | - Political power, properly so called, is merely the organised power of one class for oppressing another 326 | - If the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organise itself as a class, if, by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of production, then it will, along with these conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class 327 | - In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we shall have an association, in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all 328 | - III 329 | - SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE 1 330 | -REACTIONARY SOCIALISM A 331 | -Feudal [[Socialism]] Owing to their historical position, it became the vocation of the aristocracies of [[France]] and [[England]] to write pamphlets against modern bourgeois society 332 | - In the French revolution of July 1830, and in the English reform agitation, these aristocracies again succumbed to the hateful upstart 333 | - Thenceforth, a serious political contest was altogether out of the question 334 | - A literary battle alone remained possible 335 | - But even in the domain of literature the old cries of the restoration period had become impossible 336 | - In order to arouse sympathy, the aristocracy were obliged to lose sight, apparently, of their own interests, and to formulate their indictment against the bourgeoisie in the interest of the exploited working class alone 337 | - Thus the aristocracy took their revenge by singing lampoons on their new master, and whispering in his ears sinister prophecies of coming catastrophe 338 | - In this way arose Feudal Socialism: half lamentation, half lampoon; half echo of the past, half menace of the future; at times, by its bitter, witty and incisive criticism, striking the bourgeoisie to the very heart's core; but always ludicrous in its effect, through total incapacity to comprehend the [[march]] of modern history 339 | - The aristocracy, in order to rally the people to them, waved the proletarian alms-bag in front for a banner 340 | - But the people, so often as it joined them, saw on their hindquarters the old feudal coats of arms, and deserted with loud and irreverent laughter 341 | - One section of the French Legitimists and "Young England" exhibited this spectacle 342 | - In pointing out that their mode of exploitation was different to that of the bourgeoisie, the feudalists forget that they exploited under circumstances and conditions that were quite different, and that are now antiquated 343 | - In showing that, under their rule, the modern proletariat never existed, they forget that the modern bourgeoisie is the necessary offspring of their own form of society 344 | - For the rest, so little do they conceal the reactionary character of their criticism that their chief accusation against the bourgeoisie amounts to this, that under the bourgeois regime a class is being developed, which is destined to cut up root and branch the old order of society 345 | - What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with is not so much that it creates a proletariat, as that it creates a revolutionary proletariat 346 | - In political practice, therefore, they join in all coercive measures against the working class; and in ordinary life, despite their high falutin phrases, they stoop to pick up the golden apples dropped from the tree of industry, and to barter truth, love, and honour for traffic in wool, beetroot-sugar, and potato spirits 347 | - As the parson has ever gone hand in hand with the landlord, so has Clerical [[Socialism]] with Feudal [[Socialism]] 348 | - Nothing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a [[Socialist]] tinge 349 | -Has not [[Christianity]] declaimed against private property, against marriage, against the State? Has it not preached in the place of these, charity and poverty, celibacy and mortification of the flesh, monastic life and Mother Church? Christian [[Socialism]] is but the holy water with which the priest consecrates the heart-burnings of the aristocrat 350 | - B 351 | -Petty-Bourgeois [[Socialism]] The feudal aristocracy was not the only class that was ruined by the bourgeoisie, not the only class whose conditions of existence pined and perished in the atmosphere of modern bourgeois society 352 | -The mediaeval burgesses and the small peasant proprietors were the precursors of the modern bourgeoisie 353 | - In those countries which are but little developed, industrially and commercially, these two classes still vegetate side by side with the rising bourgeoisie 354 | - In countries where modern civilisation has become fully developed, a new class of petty bourgeois has been formed, fluctuating between proletariat and bourgeoisie and ever renewing itself as a supplementary part of bourgeois society 355 | - The individual members of this class, however, are being constantly hurled down into the proletariat by the action of competition, and, as modern industry develops, they even see the moment approaching when they will completely disappear as an independent section of modern society, to be replaced, in manufactures, agriculture and commerce, by overlookers, bailiffs and shopmen 356 | - In countries like France, where the peasants constitute far more than half of the population, it was natural that writers who sided with the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, should use, in their criticism of the bourgeois regime, the standard of the peasant and petty bourgeois, and from the standpoint of these intermediate classes should take up the cudgels for the working class 357 | - Thus arose petty-bourgeois [[Socialism]] 358 | - [[Sismondi]] was the head of this school, not only in [[France]] but also in [[England]] 359 | - This school of [[Socialism]] dissected with great acuteness the contradictions in the conditions of modern production 360 | - It laid bare the hypocritical apologies of economists 361 | - It proved, incontrovertibly, the disastrous effects of machinery and division of labour; the concentration of capital and land in a few hands; overproduction and crises; it pointed out the inevitable ruin of the petty bourgeois and peasant, the misery of the proletariat, the anarchy in production, the crying inequalities in the distribution of wealth, the industrial war of extermination between nations, the dissolution of old moral bonds, of the old family relations, of the old nationalities 362 | - In its positive aims, however, this form of [[Socialism]] aspires either to restoring the old means of production and of exchange, and with them the old property relations, and the old society, or to cramping the modern means of production and of exchange, within the framework of the old property relations that have been, and were bound to be, exploded by those means 363 | - In either case, it is both reactionary and [[Utopian]] 364 | - Its last words are: corporate guilds for manufacture, patriarchal relations in agriculture 365 | - Ultimately, when stubborn historical facts had dispersed all intoxicating effects of self-deception, this form of [[Socialism]] ended in a miserable fit of the blues 366 | - C 367 | -German, or "True," [[Socialism]] The [[Socialist]] and Communist literature of France, a literature that originated under the pressure of a bourgeoisie in power, and that was the expression of the struggle against this power, was introduced into [[Germany]] at a time when the bourgeoisie, in that country, had just begun its contest with feudal absolutism 368 | - German philosophers, would-be philosophers, and beaux esprits, eagerly seized on this literature, only forgetting, that when these writings immigrated from [[France]] into Germany, French social conditions had not immigrated along with them 369 | - In contact with German social conditions, this French literature lost all its immediate practical significance, and assumed a purely literary aspect 370 | - Thus, to the German philosophers of the eighteenth century, the demands of the first French Revolution were nothing more than the demands of "Practical Reason" in general, and the utterance of the will of the revolutionary French bourgeoisie signified in their eyes the law of pure Will, of Will as it was bound to be, of true human Will generally 371 | - The world of the German literate consisted solely in bringing the new French ideas into harmony with their ancient philosophical conscience, or rather, in annexing the French ideas without deserting their own philosophic point of view 372 | - This annexation took place in the same way in which a foreign language is appropriated, namely, by translation 373 | - It is well known how the monks wrote silly lives of Catholic Saints over the manuscripts on which the classical works of ancient heathendom had been written 374 | - The German literate reversed this process with the profane French literature 375 | - They wrote their philosophical nonsense beneath the French original 376 | -For instance, beneath the French criticism of the economic functions of money, they wrote "Alienation of Humanity," and beneath the French criticism of the bourgeois [[State]] they wrote "dethronement of the Category of the General," and so forth 377 | - The introduction of these philosophical phrases at the back of the French historical criticisms they dubbed "Philosophy of Action," "True Socialism," "German Science of Socialism," "Philosophical Foundation of Socialism," and so on 378 | - The French [[Socialist]] and Communist literature was thus completely emasculated 379 | -And, since it ceased in the hands of the German to express the struggle of one class with the other, he felt conscious of having overcome "French one-sidedness" and of representing, not true requirements, but the requirements of truth; not the interests of the proletariat, but the interests of Human Nature, of Man in general, who belongs to no class, has no reality, who exists only in the misty realm of philosophical fantasy 380 | - This German Socialism, which took its schoolboy task so seriously and solemnly, and extolled its poor stock-in-trade in such mountebank fashion, meanwhile gradually lost its pedantic innocence 381 | - The fight of the German, and especially, of the Prussian bourgeoisie, against feudal aristocracy and absolute monarchy, in other words, the liberal movement, became more earnest 382 | - By this, the long wished-for opportunity was offered to "True" [[Socialism]] of confronting the political movement with the [[Socialist]] demands, of hurling the traditional anathemas against liberalism, against representative government, against bourgeois competition, bourgeois freedom of the press, bourgeois legislation, bourgeois liberty and equality, and of preaching to the masses that they had nothing to gain, and everything to lose, by this bourgeois movement 383 | - German [[Socialism]] forgot, in the nick of time, that the French criticism, whose silly echo it was, presupposed the existence of modern bourgeois society, with its corresponding economic conditions of existence, and the political constitution adapted thereto, the very things whose attainment was the object of the pending struggle in [[Germany]] 384 | - To the absolute governments, with their following of parsons, professors, country squires and officials, it served as a welcome scarecrow against the threatening bourgeoisie 385 | - It was a sweet finish after the bitter pills of floggings and bullets with which these same governments, just at that time, dosed the German working-class risings 386 | - While this "True" [[Socialism]] thus served the governments as a weapon for fighting the German bourgeoisie, it, at the same time, directly represented a reactionary interest, the interest of the German Philistines 387 | - In [[Germany]] the petty-bourgeois class, a relic of the sixteenth century, and since then constantly cropping up again under various forms, is the real social basis of the existing state of things 388 | - To preserve this class is to preserve the existing state of things in [[Germany]] 389 | - The industrial and political supremacy of the bourgeoisie threatens it with certain destruction; on the one hand, from the concentration of capital; on the other, from the rise of a revolutionary proletariat 390 | - "True" [[Socialism]] appeared to kill these two birds with one stone 391 | - It spread like an epidemic 392 | - The robe of speculative cobwebs, embroidered with flowers of rhetoric, steeped in the dew of sickly sentiment, this transcendental robe in which the German Socialists wrapped their sorry "eternal truths," all skin and bone, served to wonderfully increase the sale of their goods amongst such a public 393 | - And on its part, German [[Socialism]] recognised, more and more, its own calling as the bombastic representative of the petty-bourgeois Philistine 394 | - It proclaimed the German nation to be the model nation, and the German petty Philistine to be the typical man 395 | - To every villainous meanness of this model man it gave a hidden, higher, [[Socialistic]] interpretation, the exact contrary of its real character 396 | - It went to the extreme length of directly opposing the "brutally destructive" tendency of Communism, and of proclaiming its supreme and impartial contempt of all class struggles 397 | - With very few exceptions, all the so-called [[Socialist]] and Communist publications that now (1847) circulate in [[Germany]] belong to the domain of this foul and enervating literature 398 | - 2 399 | -CONSERVATIVE, OR BOURGEOIS, SOCIALISM A part of the bourgeoisie is desirous of redressing social grievances, in order to secure the continued existence of bourgeois society 400 | - To this section belong economists, philanthropists, humanitarians, improvers of the condition of the working class, organisers of charity, members of societies for the prevention of cruelty to animals, temperance fanatics, hole-and-corner reformers of every imaginable kind 401 | - This form of [[Socialism]] has, moreover, been worked out into complete systems 402 | - We may cite Proudhon's Philosophie de la Misere as an example of this form 403 | - The [[Socialistic]] bourgeois want all the advantages of modern social conditions without the struggles and dangers necessarily resulting therefrom 404 | - They desire the existing state of society minus its revolutionary and disintegrating elements 405 | - They wish for a bourgeoisie without a proletariat 406 | - The bourgeoisie naturally conceives the world in which it is supreme to be the best; and bourgeois [[Socialism]] develops this comfortable conception into various more or less complete systems 407 | - In requiring the proletariat to carry out such a system, and thereby to [[march]] straightway into the social New Jerusalem, it but requires in reality, that the proletariat should remain within the bounds of existing society, but should cast away all its hateful ideas concerning the bourgeoisie 408 | - A second and more practical, but less systematic, form of this [[Socialism]] sought to depreciate every revolutionary movement in the eyes of the working class, by showing that no mere political reform, but only a change in the material conditions of existence, in economic relations, could be of any advantage to them 409 | - By changes in the material conditions of existence, this form of Socialism, however, by no means understands abolition of the bourgeois relations of production, an abolition that can be effected only by a revolution, but administrative reforms, based on the continued existence of these relations; reforms, therefore, that in no respect affect the relations between capital and labour, but, at the best, lessen the cost, and simplify the administrative work, of bourgeois government 410 | - [[Bourgeois]] [[Socialism]] attains adequate expression, when, and only when, it becomes a mere figure of speech 411 | - Free trade: for the benefit of the working class 412 | - Protective duties: for the benefit of the working class 413 | - Prison Reform: for the benefit of the working class 414 | - This is the last word and the only seriously meant word of bourgeois [[Socialism]] 415 | - It is summed up in the phrase: the bourgeois is a bourgeois--for the benefit of the working class 416 | - 3 417 | - CRITICAL-UTOPIAN SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM We do not here refer to that literature which, in every great modern revolution, has always given voice to the demands of the proletariat, such as the writings of [[Babeuf]] and others 418 | - The first direct attempts of the proletariat to attain its own ends, made in times of universal excitement, when feudal society was being overthrown, these attempts necessarily failed, owing to the then undeveloped state of the proletariat, as well as to the absence of the economic conditions for its emancipation, conditions that had yet to be produced, and could be produced by the impending bourgeois epoch alone 419 | -The revolutionary literature that accompanied these first movements of the proletariat had necessarily a reactionary character 420 | -It inculcated universal asceticism and social levelling in its crudest form 421 | - The [[Socialist]] and Communist systems properly so called, those of Saint-Simon, Fourier, [[Owen]] and others, spring into existence in the early undeveloped period, described above, of the struggle between proletariat and bourgeoisie (see Section 1 422 | -[[Bourgeois]] and Proletarians) 423 | - The founders of these systems see, indeed, the class antagonisms, as well as the action of the decomposing elements, in the prevailing form of society 424 | -But the proletariat, as yet in its infancy, offers to them the spectacle of a class without any historical initiative or any independent political movement 425 | - Since the development of class antagonism keeps even pace with the development of industry, the economic situation, as they find it, does not as yet offer to them the material conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat 426 | - They therefore search after a new social science, after new social laws, that are to create these conditions 427 | - Historical action is to yield to their personal inventive action, historically created conditions of emancipation to fantastic ones, and the gradual, spontaneous class-organisation of the proletariat to the organisation of society specially contrived by these inventors 428 | - Future history resolves itself, in their eyes, into the propaganda and the practical carrying out of their social plans 429 | - In the formation of their plans they are conscious of caring chiefly for the interests of the working class, as being the most suffering class 430 | - Only from the point of view of being the most suffering class does the proletariat exist for them 431 | - The undeveloped state of the class struggle, as well as their own surroundings, causes Socialists of this kind to consider themselves far superior to all class antagonisms 432 | - They want to improve the condition of every member of society, even that of the most favoured 433 | - Hence, they habitually appeal to society at large, without distinction of class; nay, by preference, to the ruling class 434 | - For how can people, when once they understand their system, fail to see in it the best possible plan of the best possible state of society? Hence, they reject all political, and especially all revolutionary, action; they wish to attain their ends by peaceful means, and endeavour, by small experiments, necessarily doomed to failure, and by the force of example, to pave the way for the new social [[Gospel]] 435 | - Such fantastic pictures of future society, painted at a time when the proletariat is still in a very undeveloped state and has but a fantastic conception of its own position correspond with the first instinctive yearnings of that class for a general reconstruction of society 436 | - But these [[Socialist]] and Communist publications contain also a critical element 437 | -They attack every principle of existing society 438 | -Hence they are full of the most valuable materials for the enlightenment of the working class 439 | -The practical measures proposed in them--such as the abolition of the distinction between town and country, of the family, of the carrying on of industries for the account of private individuals, and of the wage system, the proclamation of social harmony, the conversion of the functions of the [[State]] into a mere superintendence of production, all these proposals, point solely to the disappearance of class antagonisms which were, at that time, only just cropping up, and which, in these publications, are recognised in their earliest, indistinct and undefined forms only 440 | -These proposals, therefore, are of a purely [[Utopian]] character 441 | - The significance of Critical-Utopian [[Socialism]] and [[Communism]] bears an inverse relation to historical development 442 | - In proportion as the modern class struggle develops and takes definite shape, this fantastic standing apart from the contest, these fantastic attacks on it, lose all practical value and all theoretical justification 443 | - Therefore, although the originators of these systems were, in many respects, revolutionary, their disciples have, in every case, formed mere reactionary sects 444 | -They hold fast by the original views of their masters, in opposition to the progressive historical development of the proletariat 445 | - They, therefore, endeavour, and that consistently, to deaden the class struggle and to reconcile the class antagonisms 446 | -They still dream of experimental realisation of their social Utopias, of founding isolated "phalansteres," of establishing "Home Colonies," of setting up a "Little Icaria"--duodecimo editions of the New Jerusalem--and to realise all these castles in the air, they are compelled to appeal to the feelings and purses of the bourgeois 447 | - By degrees they sink into the category of the reactionary conservative Socialists depicted above, differing from these only by more systematic pedantry, and by their fanatical and superstitious belief in the miraculous effects of their social science 448 | - They, therefore, violently oppose all political action on the part of the working class; such action, according to them, can only result from blind unbelief in the new [[Gospel]] 449 | - The Owenites in England, and the Fourierists in France, respectively, oppose the Chartists and the [[Reformistes]] 450 | - IV 451 | - POSITION OF THE COMMUNISTS IN RELATION TO THE VARIOUS EXISTING OPPOSITION PARTIES Section II has made clear the relations of the Communists to the existing working-class parties, such as the Chartists in [[England]] and the Agrarian Reformers in [[America]] 452 | - The Communists fight for the attainment of the immediate aims, for the enforcement of the momentary interests of the working class; but in the movement of the present, they also represent and take care of the future of that movement 453 | - In [[France]] the Communists ally themselves with the Social-Democrats, against the conservative and radical bourgeoisie, reserving, however, the right to take up a critical position in regard to phrases and illusions traditionally handed down from the great Revolution 454 | - In [[Switzerland]] they support the Radicals, without losing sight of the fact that this party consists of antagonistic elements, partly of Democratic Socialists, in the French sense, partly of radical bourgeois 455 | - In [[Poland]] they support the party that insists on an agrarian revolution as the prime condition for national emancipation, that party which fomented the insurrection of [[Cracow]] in [[1846]] 456 | - In [[Germany]] they fight with the bourgeoisie whenever it acts in a revolutionary way, against the absolute monarchy, the feudal squirearchy, and the petty bourgeoisie 457 | - But they never cease, for a single instant, to instil into the working class the clearest possible recognition of the hostile antagonism between bourgeoisie and proletariat, in order that the German workers may straightaway use, as so many weapons against the bourgeoisie, the social and political conditions that the bourgeoisie must necessarily introduce along with its supremacy, and in order that, after the fall of the reactionary classes in Germany, the fight against the bourgeoisie itself may immediately begin 458 | - The Communists turn their attention chiefly to Germany, because that country is on the eve of a bourgeois revolution that is bound to be carried out under more advanced conditions of European civilisation, and with a much more developed proletariat, than that of [[England]] was in the seventeenth, and of [[France]] in the eighteenth century, and because the bourgeois revolution in [[Germany]] will be but the prelude to an immediately following proletarian revolution 459 | - In short, the Communists everywhere support every revolutionary movement against the existing social and political order of things 460 | - In all these movements they bring to the front, as the leading question in each, the property question, no matter what its degree of development at the time 461 | - Finally, they labour everywhere for the union and agreement of the democratic parties of all countries 462 | - The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims 463 | -They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions 464 | -Let the ruling classes tremble at a [[Communistic]] revolution 465 | -The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains 466 | -They have a world to win 467 | - WORKING MEN OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE! 468 | -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- /img/FrontPage.png: -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- https://raw.githubusercontent.com/hmprt/RoamNER/3b8a7cd611b4eed70d7c7cc8777db0a70d657960/img/FrontPage.png -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- /img/newFrontPage.png: -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- https://raw.githubusercontent.com/hmprt/RoamNER/3b8a7cd611b4eed70d7c7cc8777db0a70d657960/img/newFrontPage.png -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- /proofOfConcept.py: -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 1 | import spacy 2 | from spacy import displacy 3 | from collections import Counter 4 | import en_core_web_sm 5 | nlp = en_core_web_sm.load() 6 | import pdb 7 | from dateutil.parser import parse 8 | 9 | with open("ThePrince.txt", "r") as file: 10 | rawText = file.read() 11 | 12 | doc = nlp(rawText) 13 | 14 | 15 | tags = [] 16 | 17 | ## Let's filter our data, and make some handy Roam pages 18 | for tag in doc.ents: 19 | if (tag.label_ in {"PERSON", "DATE", "FAC", "LOC", "EVENT", "WORK_OF_ART", "ORG", "GPE"}): 20 | 21 | ## Check to only get numerical dates: 22 | if (tag.label_ == "DATE"): 23 | try: 24 | parse(tag.text) 25 | tags.append(tag.text) 26 | continue 27 | 28 | except: 29 | print("Not a date: " + tag.text) 30 | continue 31 | 32 | ## Checking that tagged PERSONs are in camel case - a 33 | ## quick and dirty way of filtering out most other phrases 34 | ## that sneak through 35 | if (tag.label_ == "PERSON"): 36 | 37 | ## Credit: https://stackoverflow.com/questions/10182664/check-for-camel-case-in-python#:~:text=You%20could%20check%20if%20a%20string%20has%20both%20upper%20and%20lowercase.&text=Anchor%20the%20expression%20with%20%5E%20and%20%24%20or%20%5Cz%20if%20required.&text=Use%20a%20library%20like%20inflection,t%20change%2C%20it's%20camel%20case. 38 | if (tag.text != tag.text.lower() and tag.text != tag.text.upper() and "_" not in tag.text): 39 | 40 | ## Removing nasty illegal characters - I'm sure there are more, but 41 | ## these popped up most often in The Prince 42 | for char in ["(", ")", "\\", "+"]: 43 | tags.append(tag.text.replace(char, "")) 44 | continue 45 | 46 | else: 47 | print("Not a name: " + tag.text) 48 | continue 49 | 50 | ## Can filter locations, FAC etc in same way. In future versions 51 | ## I'll just write a function. For now, I want this to run - clock is ticking! 52 | if (tag.label_ == "FAC"): 53 | if (tag.text != tag.text.lower() and tag.text != tag.text.upper() and "_" not in tag.text): 54 | 55 | ## Removing nasty illegal characters - I'm sure there are more, but 56 | ## these popped up most often in The Prince 57 | for char in ["(", ")", "\\", "+"]: 58 | tags.append(tag.text.replace(char, "")) 59 | continue 60 | 61 | else: 62 | print("Not a building: " + tag.text) 63 | continue 64 | if (tag.label_ == "LOC"): 65 | if (tag.text != tag.text.lower() and tag.text != tag.text.upper() and "_" not in tag.text): 66 | 67 | ## Removing nasty illegal characters - I'm sure there are more, but 68 | ## these popped up most often in The Prince 69 | for char in ["(", ")", "\\", "+"]: 70 | tags.append(tag.text.replace(char, "")) 71 | continue 72 | 73 | else: 74 | print("Not a location: " + tag.text) 75 | continue 76 | if (tag.label_ == "WORK_OF_ART"): 77 | if (tag.text != tag.text.lower() and tag.text != tag.text.upper() and "_" not in tag.text): 78 | 79 | ## Removing nasty illegal characters - I'm sure there are more, but 80 | ## these popped up most often in The Prince 81 | for char in ["(", ")", "\\", "+"]: 82 | tags.append(tag.text.replace(char, "")) 83 | continue 84 | 85 | else: 86 | print("Not a work of art: " + tag.text) 87 | continue 88 | if (tag.label_ == "EVENT"): 89 | if (tag.text != tag.text.lower() and tag.text != tag.text.upper() and "_" not in tag.text): 90 | 91 | ## Removing nasty illegal characters - I'm sure there are more, but 92 | ## these popped up most often in The Prince 93 | for char in ["(", ")", "\\", "+"]: 94 | tags.append(tag.text.replace(char, "")) 95 | continue 96 | 97 | else: 98 | print("Not an event: " + tag.text) 99 | continue 100 | if (tag.label_ == "ORG"): 101 | if (tag.text != tag.text.lower() and tag.text != tag.text.upper() and "_" not in tag.text): 102 | 103 | ## Removing nasty illegal characters - I'm sure there are more, but 104 | ## these popped up most often in The Prince 105 | for char in ["(", ")", "\\", "+"]: 106 | tags.append(tag.text.replace(char, "")) 107 | continue 108 | 109 | else: 110 | print("Not an organisation: " + tag.text) 111 | continue 112 | if (tag.label_ == "GPE"): 113 | if (tag.text != tag.text.lower() and tag.text != tag.text.upper() and "_" not in tag.text): 114 | 115 | ## Removing nasty illegal characters - I'm sure there are more, but 116 | ## these popped up most often in The Prince 117 | for char in ["(", ")", "\\", "+"]: 118 | tags.append(tag.text.replace(char, "")) 119 | continue 120 | 121 | else: 122 | print("Not a GPE: " + tag.text) 123 | continue 124 | 125 | ## Now, we make all of our tags ROAM pages. This is in O(n), which sucks, and 126 | ## there's definitely a faster way to do this using spacy. However, that's a 127 | ## future issue 128 | 129 | roamText = [] 130 | for word in rawText.split(): 131 | if word in tags: 132 | roamText.append("[[" + word + "]]") 133 | else: 134 | roamText.append(word) 135 | 136 | roamText = " ".join(roamText).split(". ") 137 | 138 | labels = [x.label_ for x in doc.ents] 139 | Counter(labels) 140 | pdb.set_trace() 141 | 142 | with open ("roamOut.md", "w") as out: 143 | for line in roamText: 144 | out.write(line) 145 | out.write("\n") 146 | -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- /roamNER_V1.py: -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 1 | import spacy 2 | from collections import Counter 3 | from dateutil.parser import parse 4 | 5 | ## Can download different models for different languages 6 | import en_core_web_sm 7 | nlp = en_core_web_sm.load() 8 | 9 | data = None 10 | # Debugging: 11 | # import pdb 12 | # data = "ThePrince.txt" 13 | # titleName = "The Prince" 14 | # titleAuthor = "Niccolo Machiavelli" 15 | 16 | ## Taking user input 17 | if data == None: 18 | data = input("Please input a .txt file to load: ") 19 | titleName = input("Please input the document's name: ") 20 | titleAuthor = input("Please input the title's author: ") 21 | 22 | ## Accessing the data file 23 | with open(data, "r") as file: 24 | data = file.read().replace("\n", " ") 25 | 26 | ## Running the raw data through spacy 27 | doc = nlp(data) 28 | 29 | ## Now let's grab what we need 30 | tags = [] 31 | for tag in doc.ents: 32 | 33 | ## First, let's filter out tags we don't want - ordinals, verbs etc 34 | if (tag.label_ not in {"PERSON", "DATE", "FAC", "LOC", "EVENT", "ORG", "GPE"}): 35 | continue 36 | 37 | else: 38 | ## Now, let's clean up the tags we have, starting with dates - they need to be 39 | ## discrete and not semantic - i.e, 1984 instead of "Someday" 40 | if (tag.label_ == "DATE"): 41 | try: 42 | parse(tag.text) 43 | tags.append(tag) 44 | continue 45 | except: 46 | continue 47 | 48 | ## This is pretty quick and dirty, but we can check the rest of the tags 49 | ## and see if they're proper nouns. This should filter out most of the shite 50 | ## but I'll definitely figure out something better further down the line 51 | if (tag.text != tag.text.lower() and tag.text != tag.text.upper() and "_" not in tag.text): 52 | tags.append(tag) 53 | continue 54 | 55 | else: 56 | continue 57 | 58 | ## Creating a header dict - we use this object to note our 59 | ## most common tags by category in a Roam Page header 60 | header = Counter([tag.label_ for tag in tags]) 61 | 62 | ## I'm manually reorganising tags because the default spacy ones aren't formatted nicely. This would 63 | ## be much easier if the fields in spacy weren't immutable... 64 | header["People"] = {"Count" : header["PERSON"], "lookup" : "PERSON"} 65 | del header["PERSON"] 66 | 67 | header["Organisations"] = {"Count" : header["ORG"], "lookup" : "ORG"} 68 | del header["ORG"] 69 | 70 | header["Geopolicial Entities"] = {"Count" : header["GPE"], "lookup" : "GPE"} 71 | del header["GPE"] 72 | 73 | header["Locations"] = {"Count" : header["LOC"], "lookup" : "LOC"} 74 | del header["LOC"] 75 | 76 | header["Dates"] = {"Count" : header["DATE"], "lookup" : "DATE"} 77 | del header["DATE"] 78 | 79 | header["Structures"] = {"Count" : header["FAC"], "lookup" : "FAC"} 80 | del header["FAC"] 81 | 82 | header["Events"] = {"Count" : header["EVENT"], "lookup" : "EVENT"} 83 | del header["EVENT"] 84 | 85 | 86 | 87 | ## Finally, let's convert our raw text into markdown with Roam formatting 88 | 89 | ## Formatting the title 90 | with open (titleName+".md", "w") as out: 91 | out.write("[["+titleName+"]]" + " by " + "[["+titleAuthor+"]]" + '\n') 92 | 93 | ## Writing tags to keep organised and for quick reference 94 | out.write("***Tags:**\n") 95 | for category in header: 96 | out.write(" -" + "__"+category+"__" + ": " + str(header[category]["Count"]) + "\n") 97 | 98 | ## Populating our list of referenced pages 99 | references = [] 100 | for tag in tags: 101 | if (tag.label_ == header[category]["lookup"]): 102 | #Lets avoid double entries too while we're at it 103 | if(tag.text in references): 104 | continue 105 | 106 | references.append(tag.text) 107 | 108 | ## Format each item as a ROAM pages. I'm sure there's a cleaner way to do this 109 | newReferences = [] 110 | for word in references: 111 | word = "[["+word+"]]" 112 | newReferences.append(word) 113 | 114 | ## Finally, convert them to a comma-delimited string 115 | references = ", ".join(newReferences) 116 | out.write(" -" + references + "\n") 117 | 118 | ## Now we can write the body of the text, with Roam pages. We'll split each 119 | ## entry onto a seperate line so it will play well with Roam. My method for 120 | ## doing this is pretty simple, and I haven't handled edge cases like 121 | ## "Mr. X" or "h.mprt" yet. 122 | 123 | # First, we'll split things into sentences 124 | formattedText = [] 125 | rawText = data.split(". ") 126 | rawTags = [x.text for x in tags] 127 | 128 | # Next, let's generate our Roam pages 129 | for sentence in rawText: 130 | formattedSentence = [] 131 | for word in sentence.split(" "): 132 | if word in rawTags: 133 | formattedSentence.append("[["+word+"]]") 134 | else: 135 | formattedSentence.append(word) 136 | formattedText.append(" ".join(formattedSentence)) 137 | 138 | ## And finally, write to file 139 | out.write("***" + titleName + "** (__raw text__)" + "\n") 140 | for line in formattedText: 141 | out.write(" -" + line) 142 | out.write(" "+"\n") 143 | --------------------------------------------------------------------------------